tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-107033902024-03-17T20:04:03.312-07:00Hastings on nonviolenceTom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.comBlogger782125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-75470944371490919572021-04-06T14:36:00.006-07:002021-04-06T14:36:41.871-07:00 But what if they are attacking your grandmother?<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">You are advocating for a nonviolent campaign to get something done. Perhaps you would like police to stop shooting unarmed people of color. Or maybe you would like to try to stop a dirty tar sands oil pipeline. Or, for instance, you might be trying to shut down a military base that is shipping troops and weapons to some poor country.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Whatever your issue might be, whatever grievance you hope to remedy, you might find yourself with some irrationally violent opposition. What do you do?<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Activists tend to extrapolate from the worst case scenario to everything else.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Hey here comes a pipe bomber at midnight to your home? He’s armed, with bombs, what do you do, just let him? Fast? Sit down? Boycott him? Go on effing strike? Hell no. You call the cops and you get your gun. Protect your family. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">OK. Fair enough. Defend your children by any means at your command. It’s your house. It’s your child. You do what you need to do. I used to own a gun, a bit more than 50 years ago. I get it.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Your home is not your campaign. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Your campaign, on the other hand, if it bills itself as nonviolent, will take chances and risks and never react with violence under any circumstances. Those who commit to following the code of conduct knowingly commit to taking no violent act, even if it meant suffering horridly. That discipline delivers victories; it is the way of the peace warrior and I’ve seen it up close and personal many times.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">It is imperative that we understand the serious difference between the personal and the political, the individual and the collective, the homestead and family versus the movement.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">But we hear about the “Deacons of Defense,” armed Black people who protected homes, families, and Civil Rights Movement leaders from late night violence by the Ku Klux Klan. Yes. They did. Great. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">What we do not hear about is the Deacons of Defense marching open-carry alongside Civil Rights activists in Mississippi, which was uncontested in its position as the most violent of all domestic terrorism environments throughout the Civil Rights years. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Why not? <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Because the leadership knew that armed protectors would engender enough fear in the white communities to shift public opinion away from the movement and toward the thin blue line that protects them. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Because the leadership knew that their message of simple rights—to sit in any public place, to ride anywhere on the bus, to vote, to buy a home—is a message that will be lost if they resort to violence, even violent self-defense. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">This is why we do nonviolence trainings, to prepare people who are acting in the name of the campaign to maintain nonviolent discipline under all circumstances. Any breach of nonviolent discipline opens the movement to vilification and rejection. When we accept those risks as a member of a campaign, we do not concomitantly volunteer to refuse to defend our children. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Indeed, there is no better way to defend your child than to convince society to correct policies that threaten your child. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">But let’s stop with the red herrings, the posits of disanalogous situations formulated to permit, if not encourage, violence. It is hurting campaigns now, just as it did in the past. <o:p></o:p></p>Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-5155784756052109392020-11-13T15:00:00.001-08:002020-11-13T15:00:09.371-08:00Agents sent to harm us<p> There is a great deal of speculation these days about the possibility of <i>agents provocateurs</i>, the undercover agents sent to infiltrate social movements by police, sent by ideologues, sent by corporate interests, or by any party opposed to that movement. These agents would not merely spy on groups, they would attempt to destroy them.</p><p>How might they do that?</p><p>The common understanding of <i>agents provocateurs</i> is that they are sent to promote violence and thus give the police an excuse to crack heads. But that is only one of several functions that such an agent would perform. </p><p>The overarching goal is to neutralize a civil society campaign that wants change, or it wants to protect something--a good law, some policy that favors marginalized identity groups, clean water, etc. There are many ways to attempt that goal, including but not limited to: </p><p></p><ul style="text-align: left;"><li>provoke violence</li><li>discredit leaders</li><li>redirect campaign focus</li><li>promote internal conflict</li><li>push irrational views to media in the name of the group</li><li>influence poor financial management</li><li>alienate influencers and funders</li><li>ruin image of coalition</li><li>commit fraud in the name of the organization</li><li>create factions that split off</li><li>start harmful rumors about people or group intentions</li><li>promote an internal security culture that amplifies paranoia</li></ul><div>Of course there are authentic ineffective activists who do all these things too, so it is inappropriate to accuse anyone of being an <i>agent provocateur</i> without absolute proof, but it is helpful to periodically remind everyone in the group that <i>agents provocateurs</i> engage in these actions for a reason--to harm or destroy a movement--and therefore everyone should attempt to avoid these destructive practices. </div><div><br /></div><div>Call in your less effective activists, please don't call them out. We need to work to promote the more feminist, nurturing styles of leadership that build an unstoppable mass movement. This is not easy and takes emotional maturity. Tolerate each other's mistakes and our own slips. We can do this but we need to do this together. </div><p></p>Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-69673740965412760242020-11-09T02:20:00.000-08:002020-11-09T02:20:07.883-08:00Just give me some truth<p> We are witnessing an era when social media has supplanted our normal news for many people, and our natural human tendency to engage in siloes of affinity groups thus amplifies the set of "facts" we tend to receive, and it also tends to deepen our distrust of other points of view. </p><p>For example, I find it hard to accept friend requests from people who espouse hatred of identity groups that have been historically marginalized. Racism turns me off so completely that I choose to ignore friend requests from those whose timeline includes dogwhistle racism. Environmental protection is important to me so I tend to accept friend requests from those who espouse such policies. This often means I am creating a silo for myself in social media that feeds me analysis that confirms my bias against bias, my bias in favor of protecting the environment, etc. </p><p>That silo is fine, frankly, as long as I also get news from a diversity of other sources. I get mainstream stories from credible sources like the Washington Post (which is available to both students and professors for very cheap subscription rates of literally about 18 cents per day), occasional stories from the New Yorker, the New York Times, the Economist, Frontline, and more. I listen to podcasts while I do my daily walk, including some news via comedy by Trevor Noah, but also NPR Politics and Rachel Maddow. This mix can generate news that helps me contextualize what is going on, humanize all sides, and see the validity in whole or in part of views I do not share. I believe millions of Americans do that sort of eclectic information gathering and it helps us make more richly informed decisions. </p><p>Sadly, however, other millions only stick to their silos and this whips them into selective facts, underinformed points of view, and misinformed analysis. It tends to make them more extreme and thus widens the polarization and creates worlds full of "alternative facts," a phrase coined by Trump advisor Kellyanne Conway and one that is indicative of the low respect for the truth characterizing Trump and his people. </p><p>Lying to the public is something politicians and their close advisors have done forever. But the rise of fringe journalism that warps the truth (like Fox News or Alec Jones), along with the concomitant expanse of social media as the primary news source for many, has fed into our post-truth polarization. While it is trickier to stay credibly informed these days, the stakes are too high to avoid it if we hope to keep our democracy and avoid massive public violence.</p>Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-12127779193604437802020-08-06T12:53:00.001-07:002020-08-06T12:59:12.112-07:00Counter-coup<style class="WebKit-mso-list-quirks-style">
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</style><br /><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Gene Sharp</span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><a href="https://www.aeinstein.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/TAC-1.pdf" style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">called it</a><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">a self-coup.</span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;"><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">Sharp was arguably the most influential theorist in the field of nonviolent social movement strategy of the 20<sup>th</sup> century. He and Bruce Jenkins wrote a short 72-page monograph on defeating coups d’état, that is, the seizure of power in a sudden overthrow. It could be one generalissimo tossing out another, or a military grabbing power from an elected leader. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">The self-coup is a special category. It is also known as executive usurpation, the transmogrification of a democracy into a dictatorship by someone who had been duly elected but who was grabbing lifelong power and ending meaningful voting for his office. Hitler was an example, voted in and then did a self-coup. It may be argued that Ferdinand Marcos did something similar in the Philippines by getting elected and then, when it looked as though he might be defeated, declaring martial law for long periods. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">The self-coup is a serious threat to democracy in the United States right now.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">Yes, we have a nice Constitution. Yes, we have done presidential elections <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2020/07/30/politics/2020-election-delay-trump-civil-war-wwii-trnd/index.html">even in wars</a> from <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/United-States-presidential-election-of-1812">1812</a> to 1864 to 1944 to 1968. Never missed one. Yet.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">But preparations for the Republican domination-by-the-minority and the Trump Takeover in particular are proceeding apace. Will they succeed?<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">What have the Republicans been up to?<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 1in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -0.25in;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-language: JA;">·<span face="" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]-->Gerrymandering has shifted power to the Republicans in many states so that, even though they are in an overall minority, they have a slight advantage in many Congressional districts and the gerrymandering lumps overwhelming majorities of Democrats in a few deep blue districts. Indeed, Democrats needed—and got—a supermajority in many states to elect so many to the House in 2018. The Republican-packed <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-court-gerrymandering/electoral-map-bias-may-worsen-as-u-s-gerrymandering-battle-shifts-to-states-idUSKCN1TU0G0">Supreme Court ruled</a> that such shenanigans are Just Fine. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -0.25in;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-language: JA;">·<span face="" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]-->They used abjectly dirty tricks to install two far right judges into the Supreme Court, first by denying Obama any chance to nominate a potential Justice—Mitch McConnell unethically delayed hearings until Trump was elected, at which point they shoved through Neil Gorsuch—and then by tampering with the investigative process into the next appointee, Brett Kavanaugh. Court challenges are stacked for Trump when it really counts. Relying on the Supremes to save our democracy is patently ill-advised. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -0.25in;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-language: JA;">·<span face="" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]-->Voter suppression of demographics unlikely to vote Republican are ongoing, from the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/aug/06/republicans-florida-amendment-4-voting-rights">targeted removal</a> of anyone ever incarcerated to the elimination of all registered voters who have an “improper” address—this often shuts out most or all <a href="https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/voting-rights/how-the-native-american-vote-continues-to-be-suppressed/">tribal members</a> who live on reservations that may not have “normal” street addresses, it cuts out people with no permanent address, and can also block people who move frequently. Indeed, says Georgian Stacey Abrams, </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJYRSxC1XwpdBw3FkQAcBaLsNizQqhdFB9mzSdS9YWXS2aiSy5oI81jIWc3PGmPSuO_8FQrIklhEdC_KtCejumggusD4JegMzx3WBr7RZhzoM2Toq2n-79dd8ur_vAYpdvkUrU/s741/staceyabrams_courtesy-600x741.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="display: block; padding: 1em 0px;"><img border="0" data-original-height="741" data-original-width="600" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJYRSxC1XwpdBw3FkQAcBaLsNizQqhdFB9mzSdS9YWXS2aiSy5oI81jIWc3PGmPSuO_8FQrIklhEdC_KtCejumggusD4JegMzx3WBr7RZhzoM2Toq2n-79dd8ur_vAYpdvkUrU/s640/staceyabrams_courtesy-600x741.jpg" /></a></div><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: -0.25in;">who launched</span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><a href="https://fairfight.com/fair-fight-2020/" style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: -0.25in;">Fair Fight</a><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: -0.25in;">, voter suppression in the 21</span><sup style="text-indent: -0.25in;">st</sup><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: -0.25in;">century is enormously effective and less visible;</span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><a href="https://www.npr.org/2020/02/20/807665148/stacey-abrams-spearheads-campaign-against-voter-suppression" style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: -0.25in;">she says</a><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: -0.25in;">it “looks like administrative error.” But it is intentional.</span><p></p><p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -0.25in;"><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 1in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -0.25in;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-language: JA;">·<span face="" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]-->In areas where voters are perceived to be unlikely to vote Republican, there are often far fewer and far more inconvenient polling sites. When voting machine glitches are added to that problem, voting becomes less and less possible for those populations, as we saw especially sharply in 2020 primaries in Iowa and <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/georgia-election-descends-into-chaos-broken-voting-machines-long-lines-2020-6">Georgia</a>.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">What if all these lowdown tactics still fail to garner the election Trump doesn’t like? There is a growing fear he will refuse to leave office, conducting his version of the democracy-abrogating self-coup. At that point, what will happen?<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">If Trump has the loyalty of a significant portion of both the armed agents of the state—e.g., armed forces, police, Border Patrol—plus a significant number of elected officials and bureaucrats, he may start to succeed. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">At that point, civil society either intervenes <i>en masse</i> or does not. We have been warned, frankly, and advised by <a href="https://law.yale.edu/sites/default/files/workshop_readings_-_february_2.pdf">Timothy Snyder</a> on anticipating and overcoming this disastrous devolution of our democracy.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">Sharp and Jenkins warn that sometimes a foreign power may have a hand in this (or, to quote <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-b71f2eYdTc">Trump</a>, “Russia! If you are listening...”). <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">When we look at cases in <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9F7PxCVQ5Nk">Serbia</a>, Chile, the Philippines, and other instances of self-coup, we see the necessity of loyalty shifts or security defections. At this key moment people power either draws the loyalty of the armed agents and government officials or it does not.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">In most of these cases the masses of people knew that the election was being stolen because the vote, as they knew from being there, was overwhelmingly not for the sitting ruler, and they decided not to allow it. They rose up in mass nonviolent noncoöperation and saved their democracies. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">They did not rise up against the police and military, which was crucial, because if there is one way to adhere the loyalty of armed agents to the self-coup leader, it’s the resolve that forms amongst those armed agents when they are under attack. This is a key component of the success of nonviolent action in many cases, and certainly critical in stopping the self-coup. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 22px;">There are many more lessons from such nefarious episodes, but bear in mind that without serious opposition this underhanded and anti-democratic attempt is historically often successful. Without robust citizen involvement, it certainly can happen here. Our democracy is already badly eroded under Trump and his confidence in his ability to <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BeNci6YrXIk">grab</a> what he wants is either met by serious nonviolent resistance or he may well pull it off.<o:p></o:p></p>Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-72479706635126747422020-07-03T23:23:00.000-07:002020-07-03T23:23:00.520-07:00Matriots<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
We are in another time of the superpatriot, the true believers in obedience to the Commander-in-Chief, to every armed agent of the state, and a zealotry that values the American flag above the lives of dissenters. <o:p></o:p></div>
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May I take this moment to declare myself a matriot?<o:p></o:p></div>
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I pledge my allegiance to Mother Earth and Her stunning, living diversity of creatures great and small, to her brilliant palette of skin tones and array of physical and mental abilities amongst one encompassing race, humankind. <o:p></o:p></div>
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I bow to the Earth flag but I don’t value any cloth over any life. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The Fourth of July is a great time to reflect on our Interdependence, on our duty to our homeland, our home planet, and the generations to come. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The day is a time to respect protest and resistance, something done quite broadly in colonial America for approximately a decade leading to the Declaration. <o:p></o:p></div>
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It is a time for more of us to continue and extend the dissent begun by the colonists, and to also dissent from them. <o:p></o:p></div>
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So yes to celebration, but no to valorizing guns and oppression. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes to corn on the cob, but no to military parades. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes to freedom, but no to oppression. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes to democracy, but no to voter suppression. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes to protection of life, but no to armed occupation of some neighborhoods by police who don’t live there.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Last night about 15 of us spent more than two hours planning for a youth-led July 4 rally and walk to support Black Lives (Also) Matter. There were pastors, police, parents, nonviolent peacekeepers, and high school kids. <o:p></o:p></div>
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At one point the deputy spoke up about the possible roles of law enforcement. He was clear, gentle, and respectful. <o:p></o:p></div>
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One of the pastors asked the youths to offer their ideas. <o:p></o:p></div>
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There were two African American girls, one Latinx girl, and one white girl. Each said, in her own way, that please, police, do not be there. We are afraid of police. We are trusting our nonviolent security team to keep us safe. <o:p></o:p></div>
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None of them were strident or speechifying, all were respectful, and one quiet-voiced African American girl was even apologetic, saying, “I’m sorry, I can’t help it, I am afraid when I see police.” <o:p></o:p></div>
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The deputy graciously thanked the girls for their honesty and said, “You are brave.” <o:p></o:p></div>
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This is a fraught moment in America. It is not time to double-down on flag-waving, dehumanizing, and dividing. If that is patriotism, I most emphatically reject patriotism. <o:p></o:p></div>
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I offer matriotism as my alternative. We can do this instead of some of the toxic nationalism we see.<o:p></o:p></div>
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We should be loyal, but loyal to all humans and loyal to the clean water, clean air, and healthy, safe environment every girl and boy requires now and forever. Our “Call to Duty” is to preservation and enhancement of the equity and ecological wonder that is their birthright.<o:p></o:p></div>
Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-65624179856609883202019-07-04T08:12:00.003-07:002019-07-04T08:12:24.929-07:00Happy Interdependence Day<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Over the years, the traditions and cultural feelings associated with holidays change;</span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><a href="https://www.plough.com/en/topics/culture/holidays/mothers-day/the-original-mother-s-day-proclamation" style="color: purple; font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Mothers' Day</a><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">began as a peace holiday and morphed into a gauzy Hallmarked thank you to Mothers in general, Veterans' Day began as</span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><a href="https://news.usc.edu/151635/the-true-meaning-of-armistice-day-a-commitment-to-peace/" style="color: purple; font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Armistice Day</a><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">commemorating the cessation of bloodshed and the beginning of peace and prosperity but transmogrified into pure gratitude for armed forces, and Columbus Day is slowly converting to</span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2018/10/08/us/columbus-day-vs-indigenous-peoples-day/index.html" style="color: purple; font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Indigenous Peoples Day</a><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">of acknowledgement that we in America all live on land once occupied by the Original nations who were victims of genocide and massive theft.</span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span></div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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So! Holiday change is the only thing permanent, to be a bit Buddhist about it. We might open ourselves to new possibilities.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/03/us/politics/trump-military-tanks.html" style="color: purple;">Trump wants to hijack</a> the 4th of July for his campaign and is willing to steal $2.5 million out of the National Park Service funds to run today's DC event, where he will speak despite decades of presidents showing respect for the public event by graciously choosing not to orate in that event. Trump's 4th is all about Dependence on his version of the strongman rule, flanked by military posturing with tanks and fighter jet flyovers--did Putin help him plan this?<o:p></o:p></div>
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Instead of Independence Day, can we consider moving our thinking toward Interdependence Day, a day in which we acknowledge that all deserve a place of safety, that all deserve refuge from war, that all deserve health care, and that all deserve an education, and that we are absolutely dependent on the health of our environment, our food, our air, and our water every day?<o:p></o:p></div>
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Celebrating the interdependence that creates our beautiful diversity and our magnificent strength makes so much more sense than the xenophobic militaristic bombast that we now see. As Trump moves against migrants, <a href="https://www.newsweek.com/trump-fact-check-homeless-claim-fox-tucker-interview-1447173" style="color: purple;">homeless</a>, women, and even the <a href="https://www.politicususa.com/2019/07/02/rachel-maddow-reveals-shameful-new-trump-proposal-deporting-family-members-of-u-s-troops.html" style="color: purple;">families of military members</a> who seek citizenship through active duty in combat zones, we can decide to transform our day to our most hallowed values of respect and care, honoring the contributions of all.</div>
Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-66000515296671466572019-06-27T06:53:00.002-07:002019-06-27T06:53:58.108-07:00Pushing students, pushing myself<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Each academic year I average about 300 students in my various classes. The only one I teach every term is my undergrad nonviolence course, which always fills. This summer term I'm at 45 students, for example, from many majors across campus, which I regard as perfect. They are smart, in from Sociology, Political Science, Anthropology, English, Education, Engineering, Criminology, Business, Public Administration, Women's Studies, Black Studies, all the wondrous other fields in the School of Gender, Race and Nations, etc. Plug in the eclectricity!</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">This is the first week of summer term. We introduce ourselves, we watch the 1982 Gandhi film with Ben Kingsley, and we read the first 12 pages of A Force More Powerful by Peter Ackerman and Jack DuVall. Students post at least a half thousand words on either or both. </span><br />
<img alt="" class="a-dynamic-image" data-a-dynamic-image="{"https://images-na.ssl-images-amazon.com/images/I/4160JTkNfWL._SY344_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg":[224,346],"https://images-na.ssl-images-amazon.com/images/I/4160JTkNfWL._SX320_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg":[322,499]}" id="imgBlkFront" src="https://images-na.ssl-images-amazon.com/images/I/4160JTkNfWL._SX320_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg" width="260px" /><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Now is when I like to try to set the outer rails on the wide path to success in my course for all students. So, I am as clear and frank as I can be, for better or worse. I can think of no more important field of study and I keep trying to get my teaching right after all these decades. This is my effort today, in this term.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">To help them think about how to approach learning and theoretically applying what we learn: </span><br />
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<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Happy Thursday, as we close in on the last days of Week 1. The weeks are a bit busier in the summer, as we stick 11 weeks of material into just 8 weeks.</span></i></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">I regard our challenge in the field of Nonviolence to be to construct hypotheticals informed by history and creative thinking. </span></i></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">By this I mean that the challenge as I see it, academically, is to ask of any conflict scenario, "How can this be at least hypothetically be resolved using only nonviolent methods?"</span></i></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Constructing that nonviolent path in our minds is fed by three streams: our understanding of nonviolent theory, our grasp of the contours of nonviolent campaigns that have succeeded historically, and finally, by our imagination. Knowledge of the theory and history is crucial, but not often enough under the most trying circumstances. Einstein, who had plenty of knowledge, said that, "Imagination is more important than knowledge." We need it all if we are going to transform our bleeding, sometimes very unjust world.</span></i></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">So! In our course, we have free speech, but we only get academic credit for applying these three streams to our arguments. Since reading my posts is required, I know you are all now cracking my brain and will earn excellent grades!</span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">My first response to their responses to the film (which included a worry that the Gandhi film was inaccurate in that Gandhi seemed too calm and reasonable almost all the time, and that some random writer had called Gandhi a "manipulator") and the reading (which was really well done): </span><br />
<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Very good posts to begin, with some good challenges. </span></i><br />
<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Excellent close read of the Ackerman and DuVall introduction, with astute and inquisitive observations. You extracted a great deal from the short read. I do want to note that in our text, the authors bracket the stories with the intro and conclusion, in which you find short but powerful bursts of theory. The stories are really the data, only written in lively page-turning style. It's the best Intro to Nonviolence text I've ever found and its findings have held as empirical and case study research has poured in ever since. I'm glad you made the note of the connections between code of conduct, ethical standards, and strategy. It is absolutely key.</span></i><br />
<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The Gandhi film is actually quite accurate, historically, though I agree that Ben Kingsley's portrayal may be more saintly than Gandhi actually was. Indeed, this course doesn't rely on Gandhi's personality in any way and if that is any problem in the film, it's pretty much irrelevant. What I love is the critique that Gandhi was "a manipulator." Um, yeah...that was his role, if he wanted to liberate India. Manipulate people by telling the truth. Manipulate social forces by revealing to them that they have power. But the film, long as it is, didn't cover a great deal of even more profoundly positive aspects of Gandhi's life.</span></i><br />
<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">For example, the film starts and ends with his assassination and never explains much the motives of the assassin and his confederates. I would analogize them very roughly in our modern context to the man who sent pipe bombs to Democrats, liberal celebrities, etc., or to the mass shooter in Christchurch, New Zealand, or the mass shooter in 2017 at the mosque in Quebec City. It was a hate crime, done by a Hindu nationalist who was enraged that Gandhi expressed love for Muslims. Gandhi was "manipulating" the new liberated Indian government to make reparations to Muslims for what had been done to them in the split of India from Pakistan and in the bicommunal violence of the greatest refugee flow in human history. Hindu nationalists--still active and still memorializing Gandhi's assassin to this day--hated Gandhi for his attempts at justice, at forgiveness, and reconciliation. So these Hindu nationalists still traduce Gandhi's memory and engage in serious manipulation of the facts. </span></i><br />
<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Was Gandhi a perfect saint? Nope. Was anyone, ever? Do we throw out decades of astonishing accomplishments that have changed human history for the better because we find a flaw in his personality? If so, the world has no one worth emulating and never has. I hope we aren't that cynical.</span></i><br />
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<img alt="Image result for gandhi film" class="irc_mi" data-iml="1561643545849" height="508" src="https://cdn.imgbin.com/16/20/10/imgbin-gandhi-the-screenplay-dvd-film-actor-male-dvd-im4iugysy3DeCPQghzvFF07SA.jpg" style="margin-top: 42px;" width="728" />Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-75227739578448895512019-06-26T12:57:00.000-07:002019-06-26T12:57:07.215-07:00Rethinking reparations<div class="MsoNormal" style="-webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; caret-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); color: black; font-family: "Bookman Old Style"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 0.5in; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Aaron Campbell was young, black, unarmed, and suffered from mental illness. He was involved in some chaotic multiparty verbal conflict, police were called, and they shot him dead.</span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span></div>
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<span>With his hands up. Unarmed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span>Even off-duty black cops report being pulled over at alarmingly high rates. How much worse must it be for young black drivers who are not police officers?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span>The significant issues with racial profiling include, but are not limited to: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-language: JA;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span>black drivers and even black pedestrians being searched much more frequently for dubious probable cause.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
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<span>Thus behold the perfect positive feedback loop with negative consequence. Profiling leads to more arrests of the profiled group that leads to all the other social and personal consequences and then to the resultant additional profiling.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span>Now comes a social movement gaining traction straight into the US presidential primary--at least amongst Democratic candidates. Marianne Williamson was first to declare she would make it a central campaign issue, then Cory Booker, Elizabeth Warren, and now Kamala Harris. Others are even mentioning it.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span>Amongst the black intellectual peerage, </span>Ta-Nehisi Coates and others are cogent about the justice, moral, and ethical rationales for making reparations. In many ways, Coates is the spark for this modern revisit and rethink. His 2014 essay from The Atlantic, "The case for reparations," is a magisterial work, a litany of egregious treatment of African Americans from colonial-era slavery through 20th century legal theft--really robbery, since the bad laws were ultimately backed by the armed agents of the state if it came to that. He broadened and deepened this and we see it finally seriously emerging now.<o:p></o:p></div>
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My partner, who is African American, rejects the notion of reparations that start with sending out money before fixing the core problems that still drive such high rates of pain and suffering in the black community. <o:p></o:p></div>
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"Start with universal health care," she says. "That looks like equal benefits for all and that is exactly what we don't have right now. Fix that first."<o:p></o:p></div>
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She is the daughter of a health care professional who made her own emendation to that disparate delivery system in her Ohio town by bringing a small but significant mobile clinic to provide at least a fraction of the basic health care so unfairly missing from the black community there. <o:p></o:p></div>
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She is a health care professional herself and hopes to bring such services to more who need it. She practices and thinks about health care and declares that racism is a threat to public health--indeed, there is a movement to push the Centers for Disease Control to make the same declaration, <a href="https://www.right2healthus.org/about-us">a movement she helps lead</a>.<o:p></o:p></div>
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So reparations are a complex set of inquiries, not just an up-or-down 40 acres and a mule question.<o:p></o:p></div>
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From my standpoint in my field of Conflict Transformation, it's the multivariate nature of such a problem that may provide a complex but effective way forward with more, not less, opportunity. Each facet of the problem--from serious debt directly owed for slavery itself, to the awful long trail of residual consequences of the racism inherent in that slavery history, right down to the skewed social indices in health, wealth, incarceration, education, and employment--presents opportunities for creative and authentic problem-solving. <o:p></o:p></div>
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My sons are African American. They are unarmed. I want them to live out their natural lives and it's disproportionately unlikely they will. Ask yourself, my fellow white people, how that might make you feel about starting a truly helpful, human national conversation about fixing as much of this as we can, as is actually reparable? What if a social construct were a direct threat to your children?<o:p></o:p></div>
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Aaron Campbell and thousands of others are never coming back--no repair is possible. But it is just possible that he, Kendra James, Oscar Grant, James Jahar Perez, and those thousands of summarily executed young unarmed African Americans did not die in vain--if we manage to radically reduce racism going forward and make reparations thus more than simple legal settlement that ignores ongoing harm.<span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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</style>Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-38721385828882194322019-06-22T04:54:00.001-07:002019-06-22T07:43:39.634-07:00Nonviolence and trust<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 22px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-size: 11pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">This week I joined others from my town in a State Department initiative called City Pair; in this case, "pairing" Portland, Oregon with both Montreal and Quebec City, Quebec, Canada. It was illuminating.</span></div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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We met with government officials and law enforcement--city, provincial, and national. We met with a research team looking at factors contributing to hate and political violence. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The Portland team represented elected officials, police, the city equity lead, nonprofit leadership, and alternative methods of security (me).<o:p></o:p></div>
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So my role should have been to tell the Canadians that my way is best, no violence, no threatened violence, no arms, only nonviolent means of keeping the public safe. <o:p></o:p></div>
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That is my dream, of course. And that is what we work on in our Portland Peace Team. We are a member of a network of peace teams across the US and Canada.<o:p></o:p></div>
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However, we are based not just on nonviolence, but on trust. We thread some fine needles in that regard. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Do we claim we have all the answers? It's the opposite; we claim no one has them all.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Do we claim we can keep everyone safe if they just follow our lead? Gosh, no. That would define ignorance and arrogance. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Of course, arming agents of the state or private security offers no guarantee either. Indeed, doing so offers some additional risks, as we see in the figures of who gets shot by police, including disproportionate numbers of unarmed people of color, <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2018/05/the-57375-years-of-life-lost-to-police-violence/559835/" style="color: purple;">resulting in loss</a> of tens of thousands of years of human lives. <o:p></o:p></div>
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So we are circumspect in making our assertions, which may not "sell" our nonviolent methods in a presentation or discussion, but it is instructive that those who request our services frequently reach out repeatedly. We must be providing some comfort to their leadership. <o:p></o:p></div>
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What we do is based on trust. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Groups trust that we are (for the purposes of the event) nonpartisan, nonviolent, and unaffiliated with police or any governmental agency at any level.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Media members trust that we will be all that and that we will remain calm and focused on the well being of everyone. This is crucial because media will convey to the public the nature--nonviolent or not--of the participants in the event. This will directly contribute to recruiting more to the next event or alienating more and diminishing the numbers and effectiveness of the movement.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Police trust us to be all those things. We are never their agents, but we will liaise with them, on our own behalf and, if asked by the group requesting our presence, on their behalf as well. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Do all the parties trust us from the get-go? Of course not; just as we teach our children, trust must be earned and protected carefully and with integrity--it can take a long time to develop and a short time to destroy. <o:p></o:p></div>
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We often do peace team deëscalation trainings for an hour or so before a demonstration at which we've agreed to be. The people who come to be trained are those who are part of the group that invited us. So my first question is, "Who considers themselves to be activists?"<o:p></o:p></div>
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All hands shoot up. "Not today," I say. "Today you support your coalition in a different way, by being neutral and deëscalating conflict that seems headed out of control. That is the conflict that can harm the image and thus the recruiting power of your campaign."<o:p></o:p></div>
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Building trust is what our public discourse and decision-making is about. While <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2019/06/10/politics/donald-trump-lies-fact-check/index.html" style="color: purple;">Trump lies</a> an average of 12 documented times each day and wrecks trust, millions of us average folks are working to rebuild it at every level. <o:p></o:p></div>
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I return from beautiful Quebec with many new friends. Some may not agree with my methods, but we found trust amongst us, the foundation of possibilities. <o:p></o:p></div>
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—30—<o:p></o:p></div>
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<i>Dr. Tom H. Hastings is </i><i style="color: purple;"><a href="http://www.peacevoice.info/" style="color: purple;">PeaceVoice</a> </i><i>Director and on occasion an expert witness for the defense in court. <o:p></o:p></i></div>
Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-59534440573567850472019-03-30T13:01:00.001-07:002019-03-30T13:01:41.507-07:00Courting justice...<h2 style="break-after: avoid-page; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 19.933334350585938px; margin: 12pt 0in 4pt 0.5in; text-align: center;">
<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Necessity defense<o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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By Tom H. Hastings<o:p></o:p></div>
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<i>We do not belong to those who shrink back for we know the tragic truth of history. When oppressed people shrink back they will always be forgotten and destroyed.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Reverend William Barber II<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[1]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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This essay is meant to help those who are especially interested in the court proceedings of nonviolent resisters<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>. This includes nonviolent resisters, their lawyers, and those experts in strategic nonviolent civil resistance who may be asked to provide expert testimony validating the use of the necessity defense for resisters. <o:p></o:p></div>
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In general, the necessity defense is known as an affirmative defense, a narrative that contextualizes and validates the otherwise apparently illegal actions of the nonviolent resisters. The classic example is the passerby who sees the house on fire, the child at the window screaming for help, and who decides instantly to break into the burning house to save the youngster. That bystander committed trespass, destruction of property (the door), and possibly other offenses under various local or state laws and ordinances, but if an overzealous police officer arrests the intervening passerby and the prosecutor seeks conviction, a good lawyer will offer the necessity defense to secure a verdict of not guilty because the jury would consider “competing harms” and conclude the trespass and breaking and entering were relatively minor harms when placed against the danger to the child’s life.<o:p></o:p></div>
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In the context of the law as experienced in the US Civil Rights movement, Dr. King wrote that they were sometimes breaking a good law for a good reason and sometimes they were breaking a bad law. When that bad law institutionalizes racism, the Civil Rights movement meant to overturn that bad law. Sometimes that good law is protecting poor public policy that results in very harmful poverty or places noncombatants in danger of becoming war victims. Increasingly, a strand of thinking by legal experts is coming to the conclusion that the legal professionals should not be neutral but rather should be advocates for the environment, lending more skills and expertise to civil, criminal, and lawmaking efforts to protect our environmental commons.<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[3]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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As to the <a href="http://www.climatedisobedience.org/necessitydefense" style="color: purple;">requirements of employing the necessity defense</a><a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[4]</span></span></span></a>, one is that a prosecutor will fight it, possibly with a pretrial motion to exclude it, usually on the grounds of salience; that is, the prosecutor will claim, often successfully, that the questions of guilt or no guilt are unrelated to all the myriad issues the defense wishes to bring to the court’s attention, such as morals, stifling poverty, racial hatred, military dominance of our government, or global climate chaos. The prosecutor will normally urge the judge to direct the defense to the germane issue: did the defendant do the actions that resulted in legal charges or not? Most often the judge will rule for the prosecution and exclude the necessity defense, thus rendering the courtroom a more or less sterile environment excluding most of the truth required to have an honest examination and a fair trial. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The Poor Peoples Campaign, for example, offers nonviolent resistance to poverty, militarism, racism and environmental injustice. Experts in those areas are required to present the necessity defense, as well as at least one expert in nonviolent resistance. In many cases excluding the necessity defense simply makes a travesty out of the legal system and clearly favors the perpetrators of poverty, racism, militarism and what many refer to as actual eco-terrorism, that is, the corporations profiting from our massive consumption of fossil fuels. How can we begin to turn this around? Climate chaos resisters, for instance, wryly observe that former US Vice-President and 2007 Nobel Laureate Al Gore declared in September 2008 that, “If you’re a young person looking at the future of this planet, and looking at what is being done right now, and not done, I believe we have reached the stage where it is time for civil disobedience.”<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[5]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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One piece of this attempt is dealing with one of the questions the defense lawyers must answer, which is, <i>Did the defendant have any reasonable expectation of success when she violated the law in her attempt to change policies she claimed are harming others? </i>In order to do so, the defense lawyer will often employ expert witnesses, first to establish that there is in fact imminent danger but it’s a remediable or at least mitigatable problem.<o:p></o:p></div>
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The clear distinction between lawful protest and resistance resulting in arrest needs emphasis; nonviolent campaigns that do not involve acts of actual resistance are not contemplated here. They are almost always precursors to resistance, both for collectives and for individuals, which should be emphasized, of course, in court testimony by defendants themselves, a catalog of their legal activities that helped produce a condition of lack of perceived effective alternatives to nonviolent resistance, or a justifiable sense that, at the least, nonviolent resistance needed to be added to the prongs of a campaign’s multipronged approach to addressing the announced goal.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Part of what many nonviolent resisters are attempting to do is what researchers term “public pedagogy,”<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[6]</span></span></span></a>i.e., using the drama of their resistance action to help educate the voting, purchasing, consuming public about the immediacy and severity of the problem. The “public curriculum” of nonviolent resistance, studied via discourse theory, can be a powerful augmentation to the outreach efforts of advocates for better policies to eliminate poverty, militarism, racism, and environmental injustice. Judges and juries are helped by understanding this, and indeed become a component of exactly this. Or, as author activist Bill McKibben noted in Scientific American, “When 1,253 people got arrested in front of the White House, almost no one in the country had heard of this Keystone thing outside of Nebraska and a few other places along the pipeline route.”<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[7]</span></span></span></a></div>
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Other social movement researchers have termed civil resistance as “participatory democracy,” and have highlighted the frame proffered by movement spokespeople as risking arrest in response to “an emergency.”<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[8]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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The history of presenting a necessity defense is long. From Rosa Parks to draft board raids to nuclear power plant construction to nuclear disarmament to migrant rights to gay rights to women’s right to vote and to a much longer list of such actions, campaigns, and movements that included nonviolent civil resistance, the necessity defense is demonstrably salient and often highlighted further when its <a href="http://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/F2/741/1031/90708/" style="color: purple;">proffer is denied</a><a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[9]</span></span></span></a>. This is how society itself becomes a “fully informed jury.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[1]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 25)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[2]</span></span></span></a> This essay does not contemplate the spurious arguments that violent or armed resistance is on equal legal footing with nonviolent resistance, e.g., <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2017/09/cliven-bundys-lawyer-compares-his-armed-resistance-to-selma-marchers/" style="color: purple;">http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2017/09/cliven-bundys-lawyer-compares-his-armed-resistance-to-selma-marchers/</a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[3]</span></span></span></a> Tom Lininger, Green Ethics for Lawyers, 57 B.C.L. Rev. 61 (2016), h p://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol57/iss1/3<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[4]</span></span></span></a><a href="http://www.climatedisobedience.org/necessitydefense" style="color: purple;">http://www.climatedisobedience.org/necessitydefense</a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[5]</span></span></span></a>Temperature Gauge. (2009). <i>Earth Island Journal, 23</i>(4), 14.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[6]</span></span></span></a>McGregor, Callum (2015). Direct climate action as public pedagogy: The cultural politics of the Camp for Climate Action. <i>Environmental Politics, 24</i>(3), 343-362. doi:10.1080/09644016.2015.1008230<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[7]</span></span></span></a> Bill McKibben: Actions speak louder than words. (2012). <i>Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 68</i>(2), 1-8. doi:10.1177/0096340212438383<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[8]</span></span></span></a> Evans, Geoff (2010). A Rising Tide: Linking local and global climate justice. <i>Journal of Australian Political Economy,</i>(66), 199-221.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://AED3D1AC-777A-4794-A6E8-CBFFA91A0B0A#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="color: purple;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[9]</span></span></span></a><a href="http://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/F2/741/1031/90708/" style="color: purple;">http://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/F2/741/1031/90708/</a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-50917125106781331312019-03-30T12:55:00.002-07:002019-03-30T12:55:53.246-07:00Talking to police<h3 style="-webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; break-after: avoid-page; color: #1f3763; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 12pt; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 18.399999618530273px; margin: 12pt 0in 6pt; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px;">
<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Police liaison work<o:p></o:p></span></h3>
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Many activities potentially fall under the rubric of police liaison work. Some campaigns use none, or some, or all of these components. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Reaching out to police or other armed agents of the state to inform them that an event will occur.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Negotiating with armed agents of the state.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Requesting police presence.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Requesting police not be armed.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Requesting police not be present.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Requesting police escort.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Requesting police protection.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Defining the roles and Code of Nonviolent Conduct of the movement, the resisters, the participants, and the peace team so police are informed.<o:p></o:p></div>
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There are reasons, in general, to do one or more of these activities, and at times those reasons vary with local or state history, quality of relationships, presence of violent counter-demonstrators, or other concerns. <o:p></o:p></div>
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It is crucial to establish several factors to the police if there is liaison work:<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->All participants in the campaign comport themselves in adherence to the Code of Nonviolent Conduct agreed upon by the movement. Anyone not doing so is not a part of the campaign.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->The peace team will attempt to de-escalate all conflict that is violent or threatens to become violent. This includes police violence to anyone. While we do not do so physically, we will make all other attempts that seem reasonably possible. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->No one in the campaign, including the peace team, will inform to the police on unlawful actions that may occur by any party in the course of the event. The peace team is not a part of the police, not agents of the police, not the “eyes and ears” of the police, only an internal team working to preserve public safety in general and the nonviolent image of the movement in particular.<o:p></o:p></div>
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At times the role of police liaison is given over, with guidelines, to the peace team. It is not advisable to have off-the-record communications with any armed agents of the state; movement leadership must be given reports of all salient elements of any communications with police. Ideally, all participants should know germane particulars of any caveats or expectations about police in advance of any action.<o:p></o:p></div>
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There are advantages and disadvantages to such liaison work. Some disadvantages: <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Movement members who have legitimate distrust or fear of police may transfer some of that distrust and alienation to the campaign.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Police may interfere with plans that otherwise would have been doable and successful. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Police may incorrectly regard the peace team as their agents.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Some advantages:<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->If better communications result in higher credibility a more relaxed police presence, brutality and interference may be mitigated or eliminated.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->If police feel they are not going to be attacked by anyone associated with the movement, and if there is no property destruction or unpermitted road/transit blockage, they may be gradually eased further and further back.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->If not immediately, at some point the campaign may be able to negotiate specifics such as no profiling, no dogs, no riot gear, no rough treatment, no interference in assembly and other harsh or unhelpful police practices.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<o:p>Photo: Portland Peace Team interposes between Patriot Prayer Proud Boys and Antifa at the request of Portland area refugees. </o:p></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-24688121533550181842019-03-30T12:42:00.004-07:002019-03-30T12:42:50.027-07:00Peace teams<h2 style="-webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; break-after: avoid-page; caret-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); color: black; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 13pt; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 19.933334350585938px; margin: 12pt 0in 4pt 0.5in; orphans: auto; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px;">
<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Peace teams<o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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When nonviolent civil resisters intentionally confront a bad law--or a good law for a good reason--they know that part of what they are doing is part of what they are doing is stepping forward having prepared themselves for provocations. They want the public to see that they mean it when they claim to be nonviolent. They want their opponents to believe it when they, the challengers and resisters, assert their nonviolence and confront a social wrong in favor of a social good.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Their opponents or the targeted group usually have a legal right to use violence to enforce the law. Adversaries often know that they have put the resisters in a very hard dilemma. If the resisters back down, the opponents win public approval. If the resisters are violent--even in justifiable self-defense--the spin from the official channels will use that violent self-defense as an excuse, in turn, for the violence that the opponent actually started. Carefully selected moments of any violent self-defense will be featured again and again in news media as evidence that the challenger movement is composed of liars, and they are not nonviolent at all. Of course if the challengers never claimed to be nonviolent in the first place that is the easiest of all to defeat, as the record clearly shows <a href="http://www.freedomhouse.org/article/study-nonviolent-civic-resistance-key-factor-building-durable-democracies#.U_tPQ0u0Zg0" style="color: #954f72; text-decoration: underline;">again</a> and <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YJSehRlU34w" style="color: #954f72; text-decoration: underline;">again</a>. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The wider public will usually dismiss any nonviolent resistance if it turns to violence, especially if the civil resisters need to change public opinion on the issue in order to succeed. If the public is widely in support of the policy change, or protection of policy, which the civil resisters are advocating, the amount and nature of violence on the part of the resistance campaign is more negotiable. But especially in the early stages of the mobilization, when much of the public often holds a status-quo-ante opinion, the ranks of the resistance need to prove their innocence, because the wider public will reject it on the flimsiest of evidence, or suspicion. Even angry expressions on the faces of nonviolent resisters will be used to justify almost all measures against them. <o:p></o:p></div>
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When a movement materializes with marches or processions in the streets, or even golds a public hearing or other public gathering, who will help the participants to offer the sort of behavior that will enhance the image of the movement and its purposes? Campaign and movements frequently have specially trained peacekeepers to help de-escalate conflict. They often focus on campaign participants who might be rightfully escalated by counter-demonstrators. The peacekeepers, sometimes called monitors or vibeswatchers, help to defend the image of the campaign to the broader public by reducing or eliminating the incidences of aggressively reactive or enraged behavior by movement participants. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Is this fair? Of course not. If everything were fair we would not need to struggle in the first place. It is simply reality. We either work with reality or accept that what we are doing may be only for our own satisfaction, that we are not agents of social change, but rather we want to make ourselves feel good as self-justifying and often self-righteous, sometimes self-described "radicals." It is a bit like trying to fix the broken sewage system by denouncing the broken pipe in an arrogant memo. Some of us may instead choose to head down into the sewage to try to fix that broken pipe. We will suffer for it, but at least we have a good chance of fixing it if we have also managed to bring the right tools and materials. We accept the reality and are determined to work with it, even though it's totally unfair. We want tangible change.<o:p></o:p></div>
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This reality means we must be willing to suffer violence without returning it. This reality means we must recruit far more numbers to join our ranks if we want the change to succeed. Peace teams lower the barriers to recruitment by helping the campaign members prepare to avoid outbursts that will alienate the public, if and when media broadcasts show images of masked thugs throwing stones or full soda cans at cops. Those “radicals” with masks can reduce recruitment by making the civil resisters look dangerous.<span> </span>Agents provocateurs engage in exactly that sort of provocation in order to harm movements. Peace teams can mitigate that threat. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgloB6aK2GFRFmrGOD-KKv4GKssbKx9_-ivCjiQ5_2aCX_tuepl_ngWg5QQZq6xN4VdmuY8qTTjr07OBZbALMjhWQ4mdiDyUhXfIfGlX0-2XhFAL_LRFFKSk3E9-r7iTrYzVJn_/s1600/John+Lewis+Civil+Rights+Movement.jpg" style="color: #954f72; text-decoration: underline;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span><img alt="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgloB6aK2GFRFmrGOD-KKv4GKssbKx9_-ivCjiQ5_2aCX_tuepl_ngWg5QQZq6xN4VdmuY8qTTjr07OBZbALMjhWQ4mdiDyUhXfIfGlX0-2XhFAL_LRFFKSk3E9-r7iTrYzVJn_/s1600/John+Lewis+Civil+Rights+Movement.jpg" border="0" height="150" src="blob:https://www.blogger.com/ec94e25d-8569-45d9-ad36-2afe4e42019d" v:shapes="Picture_x0020_3630" width="240" /></span></span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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John Lewis beaten by Alabama state troopers on Bloody Sunday, 7 March 1965, generating massive participation, which boosted passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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We prove that we mean it when we say we are nonviolent when the peace team can separate the violent actors from the larger movement. We can achieve a number of things with that ongoing proof, including but not limited to: <o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->keeping the public discourse focused on our issue rather than on our behavior.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->gaining public sympathy, however grudging, if police, soldiers, National Guard, or counterdemonstrators act violently toward us. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 4.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -22.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->gaining the trust of law enforcement, and usually reducing the level of violence against us, by reducing both the fear of us and imposing “backfire”<a href="applewebdata://B8D9F583-F3A9-43EC-A2C1-1562F5BCE269#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="color: #954f72; text-decoration: underline;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a>(see Glossary at end for meaning) costs upon them.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 4.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -22.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->lowering the barriers to recruitment so that those who do agree with us see that we would not commit violence that excuses and provokes a violent crackdown, and, so, our numbers generally rise.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->allowing sympathetic mainstream news media to change their frames through which they view us and to show us in a better and better light.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Hence peace teams to help us to create, cultivate, and defend our reliance on nonviolence.<o:p></o:p></div>
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How do peace teams operate?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->They never argue, debate, nor do they insult or demean anyone.<a href="applewebdata://B8D9F583-F3A9-43EC-A2C1-1562F5BCE269#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="color: #954f72; text-decoration: underline;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->They work in teams of 2-6 unit members and keep track of all of them throughout any event.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->They focus first on bystander intervention if violence breaks out or seems imminent.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 40.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -22.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->They focus on de-escalation of all conflict, worrying primarily about the behavior of the campaign participants. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 40.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -22.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->They establish themselves as listeners, affirm all parties’ humanity, and seek to take belligerents out of play by separating them from their targets, what mental health workers call redirection. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 40.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -22.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->They tend to use the CLARA method, Center, Listen, Affirm, Respond, Add. First they center themselves, then listen, then affirm the basic respect for all, then if possible respond by asking follow up questions, then, at times, add information that can help the belligerent person contextualize the identity or personhood of the target.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->They are nonpartisan for the entire event, neither carrying signs nor clapping, nor singing or chanting. <o:p></o:p></div>
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This nonviolent safekeeping force can often prevent the image of a campaign slip into alienating categorization by defusing or redirecting destructive behaviors that might otherwise be associated with the coalition. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://B8D9F583-F3A9-43EC-A2C1-1562F5BCE269#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[1]</span></span></span></a>“Nonviolence turned violent attacks on their head, using them to gain the moral high ground.”<span style="font-family: Symbol;">¾</span>Barber (p. 119). All violence backfires.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<div id="ftn2">
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<a href="applewebdata://B8D9F583-F3A9-43EC-A2C1-1562F5BCE269#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[2]</span></span></span></a><span style="line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">Hunter, Daniel & Lakey, George (2004). </span><i>Opening space for democracy: Third party nonviolent intervention, curriculum and trainer’s manual</i><span style="line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">. Philadelphia, PA: Training for Change.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-42169480977677449382019-03-30T12:40:00.001-07:002019-03-30T12:40:27.609-07:00Violent flank threat and inoculation<h2 style="-webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; break-after: avoid-page; caret-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); color: black; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 13pt; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 19.933334350585938px; margin: 12pt 0in 4pt 0.5in; orphans: auto; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px;">
<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Nonviolent discipline & </span>inoculating against violent flanks<o:p></o:p></h2>
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<i>The researchers showed people a video of a ‘moderate’ anti-Trump protest, in which protesters held signs and chanted, as well as a news report about an ‘extreme’ protest, in which protestors caused a traffic jam and blocked Trump supporters from reaching a Trump rally. People shown the extreme anti-Trump protests actually supported Trump more—an effect that occurred, to varying degrees, among liberals and conservatives alike.<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="color: purple; text-decoration: underline;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><b><span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[1]</span></b></span></span></span></a></i><o:p></o:p></div>
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--Olga Khazan, The psychology of effective protest<o:p></o:p></div>
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<i>When the people come together in a demonstration of our political force—then those in power fight back. Their resistance is our confirmation that we are gaining ground. When they stop laughing and start fighting, you can be sure they are worried that you are winning.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Reverend Barber<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="color: purple; text-decoration: underline;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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A long line of conflict analysts from Carl von Clausewitz down to Jonathan Schell have understood that only when resilience is lost is there a moral defeat that permanentizes a loss and truly ends a struggle.<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="color: purple; text-decoration: underline;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Nonviolent discipline is the strongest bulwark against that moral defeat. It is strengthened in many ways, including by education, training, and drills. This is what Reverend Lawson achieved in the Civil Rights movement by his workshops, resulting in students who were highly disciplined and able to not only remain strong and calm even when abused, but were resilient and returned after insults, came back after beatings, engaged further after arrest and jailing, and avoided moral defeat until they achieved all of the announced goals.</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgxBCBGigN3fhHggDTaosUXPCA_lTlRTsaONCOmpfKPwnrFViqWUIgtFQHWBTOZBI-biutzZ9oNfd_Lt8qVfSUZF8BIElrVJpLqb5JMNr4dS97loTR2dbsRpJkZNziVUcb16Lcd/s1600/MLK-James-Lawson.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="1600" height="180" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgxBCBGigN3fhHggDTaosUXPCA_lTlRTsaONCOmpfKPwnrFViqWUIgtFQHWBTOZBI-biutzZ9oNfd_Lt8qVfSUZF8BIElrVJpLqb5JMNr4dS97loTR2dbsRpJkZNziVUcb16Lcd/s320/MLK-James-Lawson.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<o:p></o:p><br />
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<i>It was by no means inevitable that the Indian struggle would be nonviolent, and there are strong indications that in the absence of Gandhi’s alternative grand strategy the terrorists would probably have carried the day.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Gene Sharp<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="color: purple; text-decoration: underline;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[4]</span></span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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From tossing a brick through the plate glass window to throwing bottles at cops or “punching a Nazi,” violent flanks have been harming movements for a long time. The results are predictable; they are disastrous for campaigns. As with all movement decisions, your first filter inquiry toward a decision is <i>How will this affect recruitment? </i>After all, numbers of participants remain the greatest predictor of success or failure of any social movement. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Your campaign can inoculate itself against these damages. Here is a punchlist for your consideration: <o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Bookman Old Style"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Bookman Old Style";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Decide firmly on a nonviolent code of conduct and publicize it relentlessly. That code is optimal if it says: Each event should be nonviolent and nonviolent conduct is expected of all participants, including no physical violence even in self-defense, no weapons, no screaming, no throwing, no disrespectful gestures, no masks,<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="color: purple; text-decoration: underline;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[5]</span></span></span></span></a>no expressions of hate, no property damage.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Bookman Old Style"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Bookman Old Style";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Develop a nonviolent safekeeping force to help your own people maintain nonviolent discipline. They may wear armbands of a chosen color, bright caps, or special vests so that they can be easily seen.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Bookman Old Style"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Bookman Old Style";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Hold frequent preparation sessions for the nonviolent security team, for anyone contemplating civil resistance, and for general participants in street actions.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Bookman Old Style"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Bookman Old Style";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Establish relationships with the security apparatus of the state—police, soldiers, or any armed agents who may be present at your events. Make it clear to them that you are not their agents in any way and that you are trained to handle most situations so they should stay back.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Bookman Old Style"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Bookman Old Style";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Outreach to violent flanks with respect and an expectation of their reciprocal respect for you. Explain to them that you are putting in a great deal of work and organizing effort to pull off the event you want, and they are welcome if they can comport themselves in line with your coalitional code of conduct. Let them know you will never denounce them unless they violate your code of conduct while involved in your event, and that if they do, they will be publicly denounced, but you will also respect their organizing and never interfere with their independent events. Acknowledge that if the oppressor visits your town, that time and place belong to everyone and your people will maintain nonviolent discipline under all circumstances. Be aware that the violent flank will be where most or all of the <i>agents provocateurs</i>are, whether they are actual police or a part of the “rat system” (convicted or charged with crimes and can earn reduced consequences for their infiltration work to push a group toward violence).<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="color: purple; text-decoration: underline;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[6]</span></span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Bookman Old Style"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Bookman Old Style";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">6.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->Make outreach [clearer than using the word as verb?] and continually engage with media outlets to create and defend the image of your campaign or movement as nonviolent, intentionally, even in the face of repressive brutality. Follow up any reportage that smears violent flank activity onto your nonviolent movement or uses ambiguous phrasing such as “the demonstration turned violent.” Remind reporters to factcheck and refer them to the media packets you send them, which clearly state the nonviolent nature of your association, coalition, campaign, or movement.<o:p></o:p></div>
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“Upheaval after upheaval has reminded us that modern man is traveling along a road called hate, in a journey that will bring us to destruction and damnation.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr.<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="color: purple; text-decoration: underline;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[7]</span></span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Stress openness and transparency. At every turn, avoid the creation of a “security culture” that casts suspicion on your fellow movement members. Having clandestine actions should only be reserved for the most extreme circumstances (as for example in hiding Jews in attics in Nazi Germany, helping slaves escape on the Underground Railroad, dismantling your own country’s WMD). Seeming stealthy is corrosive and invites repression; it also can besmirch the reputation of your movement. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[1]</span></span></span></a>Khazan, Olga (24 February 2017). The psychology of effective protest. <i>The Atlantic</i>. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2017/02/the-psychology-of-effective-protest/517749/">https://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2017/02/the-psychology-of-effective-protest/517749/</a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[2]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 65)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[3]</span></span></span></a> Schell, Jonathan (2003). <i>The unconquerable world: Power, nonviolence, and the will of the people.</i>New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[4]</span></span></span></a> Sharp, Gene (1973). <i>The politics of nonviolent action: Part one: power and struggle</i>. Boston, MA: Porter Sargent (p. 85).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[5]</span></span></span></a> As a footnote only, rare exceptions are certainly in order for those who are undocumented and fearful of ICE (although they might be wiser to make a clear choice between publicly accountable or completely discreet), or for some whose religion might require face covering (e.g., some Muslim women and some Jain men).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[6]</span></span></span></a> Do not be concerned about potential infiltrators who are there to spy on you. Who cares? As A. J. Muste told them 100 years ago in a speech to a hall of union members the night before a strike and demonstration, “I know agents of the owners are amongst us tonight. I expect you to do your duty and report to the police and the owners that we are strictly nonviolent.” Only be worried about those who advocate violence, even in “self-defense.” <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://FA0B0A24-C994-46B9-BD1F-B6BC6C914151#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[7]</span></span></span></a> King, Jr., Martin Luther (1957). “Loving your enemies.” Sermon written in jail for nonviolent civil disobedience in Montgomery bus boycott. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-59950596820369761552019-03-30T12:31:00.001-07:002019-03-30T12:31:31.202-07:00Deep centered preparation<h2 style="break-after: avoid-page; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 19.933334350585938px; margin: 12pt 0in 4pt 0.5in; text-align: center;">
<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Nonviolent civil resistance preparation <o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<i>In the Wabanaki languages, there are a number of words that define warriors, or warrior philosophy. Not one of those words represents fighting or violence. Every word represents humane service to the community</i>.” <o:p></o:p></div>
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--We’na Ha’mu Kwassett (Sherri Mitchell)<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[1]</span></span></span></a></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiocZ-E6d2-7_xJEFMIoztsaD3flL6JKhYkaz2HyF_GSNkebB7Fn0qJaaZjYJEaOxsDNIoR9DFzYWQayXcRJuuDevLWuQy9qCmuudvME6RrF_O5c5VRfYMaEB9Q3VqacTyIthxr/s1600/Sacred-Instructions-Cover-number1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1023" data-original-width="607" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiocZ-E6d2-7_xJEFMIoztsaD3flL6JKhYkaz2HyF_GSNkebB7Fn0qJaaZjYJEaOxsDNIoR9DFzYWQayXcRJuuDevLWuQy9qCmuudvME6RrF_O5c5VRfYMaEB9Q3VqacTyIthxr/s320/Sacred-Instructions-Cover-number1.jpg" width="189" /></a></div>
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Rev. Lawson breaks down civil resistance preparation into four overarching steps: Focus, Negotiation, Direct action, and Follow-up.<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>From Reverend Barber:<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif;">In any nonviolent struggle, civil disobedience is a tactic that must be employed strategically. Dr. King learned from Gandhi and taught the civil rights movement the basic, four-stage process that leads to effective civil disobedience. First, a campaign against injustice must do its homework and gather the facts. Second, we attempt to negotiate with the ruling authorities. Only after they’ve refused us can we move to stage three: self-purification</span><span style="font-family: Symbol;">;</span><span style="font-family: Bookman Old Style, serif;">stage four: direct action.</span><a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><i><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><b><span style="border: none; color: #404040; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[3]</span></b></span></i></span></a><span style="font-family: Bookman Old Style, serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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When the initial attempt at negotiation fails, Dr. King, Reverend Lawson, and Reverend Barber all describe the process of self-purification in preparation for offering direct action. This involves understanding that it is time to execute the best alternative to a negotiated agreement.<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[4]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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The process of self-purification is coupled with nonviolent resistance training to test ourselves. Have I centered myself enough to withstand the natural defensive impulses that might rise up inside me if I see or experience oppression, intimidation, threats, insults, or violence? Can I maintain the code of conduct required by our campaign even under extreme duress? Can I witness a dear friend being beaten and not use violence, no matter how justified? Can I be the one to keep my calm when nothing around me is calm and all is chaos?<o:p></o:p></div>
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If we cannot answer positively to these self-questions we must not engage in civil disobedience. That is not shameful; the nonviolence training should be robust enough to help us make those determinations. As Serb nonviolence leader Ivan Marovic answered when asked “What do you do when someone is on your side so passionately that he tells you he cannot promise to stay nonviolent if he is struck by police or thugs?”: “Tell him to go to the kitchen and make sandwiches.”<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[5]</span></span></span></a>In other words, there are roles for everyone, all of great value, but those who cannot commit to nonviolent discipline under all circumstances cannot place themselves in the front lines of civil resistance. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Civil resistance, however, is not devoid of a fighting spirit; indeed, even nonviolent revenge for grievous wrong is fuel for the fire in the soul of disciplined nonviolent combatants, as is evidenced by Rosa Parks noting that the ghastly murder of 14-year-old Emmett Till in 1955 helped drive her to sit in quiet, unmoving dignity on the bus later that year.<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[6]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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“We shall not be moved” is the Civil Rights Movement refrain that valorizes exactly that spirit of what Dan Berrigan described as “Don’t just do something, stand there.” Jim Forest catalogs it in his biography of Catholic Worker founder Dorothy Day as “Revolutionary sitting.” From Rosa Parks to Nashville’s Sit-In campaign to Dorothy Day sitting outside by the entrance of the racially integrated Koinonia community in Americus, Georgia, after they had been bombed in 1956. She sat in defiance of the local KKK and at one point a car drove past and shot at her, missing her by inches.<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[7]</span></span></span></a>Congressional Medal of Honor recipient Charles Liteky was a chaplain in Vietnam who carried more than 20 wounded men to safety under withering gunfire in a four-hour battle in Vietnam, yet in 1986 renounced that medal and sat, fasting, on the Capitol steps, asking Congress and the American people to stop US aggression in Central America.<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[8]</span></span></span></a>Sometimes it takes far more courage to sit in nonviolent witness and dignity than to charge around. The centered grounding it takes is every bit as fierce as any military discipline.<o:p></o:p></div>
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In the struggle against nuclear weapons the first resistance came from those engaged in what they sometimes called “divine obedience,”<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[9]</span></span></span></a>that is, adherence to a higher law that mandated actions in line with a Biblical prophesy to hammer swords into plowshares.<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[10]</span></span></span></a>When religious figures enter a weapons manufacturing site and hammer on a nuclear weapon, that shocking act can be the galvanizing action that ramps up mass action, and in the case of nuclear weapons, it helped lead to the largest act of direct democracy in American history, the Nuclear Freeze referenda that showed an estimated 80 percent of the citizenry wanted a reduction or elimination of nuclear weapons, which helped prompt lower risk arrests by the thousands, and ultimately the first actual nuclear disarmament treaty in 1987. Like the Civil Rights movement, the anti-nuclear movement was generally trained in and observant of a disciplined code of nonviolence.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[1]</span></span></span></a> We’na Ha’mu Kwassett (Sherri Mitchell) (2018). <i>Sacred instructions: Indigenous wisdom for living spirit-based change</i>. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books (p. 138).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>Sharma, Preeti (2016), “The philosophy of nonviolence,” (pp. 5-27) in Lawson, Jr., James; Wong, Kent; Gonzalez, Ana Luz (Eds.). <i>Nonviolence and social movements: The teachings of Rev. James M. Lawson, Jr.</i>Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Center for Labor Research and Education.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[3]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 77)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[4]</span></span></span></a>DeMarr, Beverly J.; de Janasz, Suzanne C. (2019). <i>Negotiation and dispute resolution (2<sup>nd</sup>ed.). </i>Chicago, IL: Chicago Business Press. From Dr. King’s Letter from Birmingham Jail we can connect this best alternative to a negotiated agreement to the classic negotiation strategy of letting your opponent know ahead of time that a particular consequence will be the result of a failure to negotiate in good faith. Dr. King’s development of this logic preceded its appearance in the literature of negotiation by two decades. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[5]</span></span></span></a>Marovic, Ivan (2014), remarks at the second James Lawson Institute, Nashville.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[6]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 118). Both MLK and Gandhi wrote about harnessing the power of anger to help drive the willingness to engage in committed and courageous acts of nonviolent resistance. Gandhi compared it to steam that can build up until it blows up or it can be channeled to do a great deal of work.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[7]</span></span></span></a> Forest, Jim (1986). <i>Love is the measure: A biography of Dorothy Day</i>. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis (p. 102).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[8]</span></span></span></a>Everett, Melissa (1989). <i>Breaking ranks</i>. Philadelphia, PA: New Society (p. 30).<span style="line-height: 12.266667366027832px;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[9]</span></span></span></a> Anne Montgomery, RSCJ (1984), “On divine obedience,” pp. 3-5 in Herngren, Per, et alia. <i>Violence ends where love begins</i>. Washington DC: Plowshares Press. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://A52F174C-5AB7-4413-A033-4D94A5039219#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[10]</span></span></span></a> Isaiah 2:4.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-88131891358804221392019-03-30T12:23:00.000-07:002019-03-30T12:23:05.092-07:00Messaging, media, fight for the frame<h2 style="break-after: avoid-page; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 19.933334350585938px; margin: 12pt 0in 4pt 0.5in; text-align: center;">
<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Messaging and media liaison work<o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<i>Seven days a week I grasped for every handle I could in order to pump words from movement centers into the circuits of the news media.<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><b><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[1]</span></b></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Mary E. King, communications worker for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in the Civil Rights Movement (photo from 1964)</div>
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Arguably, few activities are more crucial to the success of any campaign, any movement, than messaging, which both crafts and disseminates the messages that create, validate, and develop a base of support for the campaign. Social movement researchers stress the need to craft messages that demonstrate a problem, promote viable alternatives, and convince the general public that ordinary people can bring about the needed changes.<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[2]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Thus, one of your campaign’s first tasks is to form a media committee, as the linchpin of campaign recruitment. The skills required of media committee members include developing a perceptible narrative, distinguishing what will make astute timing, and creating a broad, realistic understanding that it is the campaign or movement that must manage all publicity problems, not the media outlet personnel.<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[3]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<i>Our job was to change the public narrative</i>.<o:p></o:p></div>
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--Reverend Barber<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[4]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Some activists seem to believe that, along with Oscar Wilde, there is “no such thing as bad publicity,” but in campaigns of nonviolent action that is false. Merely one maladroitly distributed message can harm the image, dampen recruitment, foster a perception of hopelessness, drive away the as-yet uncommitted, and reduce “people power” human agency. <o:p></o:p></div>
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On the other hand, a carefully created and masterfully managed public information effort can project a positive profile, engender hope, attract fence-sitters, and present a picture of strength that presages victory for civil society. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The media team that maintains a tight two-way communication with the core organizers will more likely avoid missteps, especially the fatal flaw of promulgating a message that runs counter to that of the core of leadership. It is in the nature of popular (meaning of the people) campaigns that in the absence of an intentional strategy, it will not work to have one person doing this and another performing that, one committee presenting this but another undertaking that. In any effective campaign the media teams will bear in mind the “One band, one sound” agreement. <o:p></o:p></div>
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A media campaign is strongest when it reveals participation by large numbers and masses of people, rather than a weak-appearing handful of scattered activists who are easily sidelined, thereby stamping the campaign as marginal. Avoiding outreach to media outlets until your internal strength shows strength and unity. As Reverend Barber wrote, “While they are ignoring you, you have time to build power.”<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[5]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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This is not to suggest that acts of inspiration by a sympathetic individual or small group are not important to publicize—they are. When a Rosa Parks offers civil resistance as a lone compelling and moral figure, all publicity efforts are important. A sympathetic figure who takes a moral stand will generate interest, sympathy, and participants if the communications workers do a good job of crafting a message that appeals to most people.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Prepare media lists that match your objectives. For example, if your campaign is directed at pressuring a state legislature and governor to pass a measure that will uplift vulnerable people, a state media list should include all newspapers, radio producers, television reporters and producers, and social media. Deciding how to approach each event or story is important. <o:p></o:p></div>
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For example, researcher Janjira Sombatpoonsiri<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[6]</span></span></span></a>researched the use of media in Serbia under extremely state-dominated repressive authoritarianism. She found that there was still competition to scoop rival media outlets and that activists could use that rivalry to induce competition for campaign stories. Otpor! (Resistance!) student activists assured editors that they had the scoop, which put double pressure on the editors to not only use it because they wished to outdo other media outlets, but to also feature the campaign story prominently to encourage the activists to view them again as being worthy of an exclusive angle. <o:p></o:p></div>
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On the other hand, broad dissemination of a media release is often preferred, in the hope that some media will use it and some may follow up. Each media team, in consultation with the core leadership, must make each of these decisions based on best assessments of real time factors. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Framing is key. When, for example, the Jesuit priest Daniel Berrigan was advised to tone down his strident objections to drafting young men to fight in Vietnam, Berrigan’s response was, “If the government were coming for TVs and cars, then you’d be upset. But, as it is, they’re only coming for your sons.”<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[7]</span></span></span></a>Recasting your narrative to illustrate its urgency and moral necessity is critical. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Multiple vectors are more effective than single outlet messaging. Nonviolence analyst Shaazka Beyerle wrote of the anti-corruption people power movement in Addiopizzo, Italy, that messaging was launched via “stickers, sheets and banners, T-shirts, websites, web banners, social networking (Facebook, YouTube, blogging, Internet mailing lists, e-newsletters, leaflets, advertising (billboards), children’s rap songs, poster contests in partnership with Solidaria (a civil rights organization supporting Mafia victims), theatre skits, and media coverage and interviews.”<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[8]</span></span></span></a>Toss in any of the newer social media platforms for expanded outreach.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Be aware of hooks on which to hang your story, especially as they relate to the roving attention of mainstream media. So, for example, when radical nonviolent humanitarian group Voices in the Wilderness (VitW) wanted to bring food and medicine to Iraq in violation of sanctions in the 1990s, they did many of their aid actions when international attention was focused on the sanctions-driven hunger and healthcare crisis that UNICEF estimated killed a half million Iraqi children under five years old. The timing of VitW actions and messaging was greatly enhanced by bringing it all into the international spotlight already shining on Iraq.<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[9]</span></span></span></a>That angle greatly advanced the participation of civil society in breaking those killer sanctions.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[1]</span></span></span></a> King, Mary E. (2010). “Getting out the news,” (pp. 332-344), in Holsaert, Faith S.; et alia (Eds.) (2012). <i>Hands on the freedom plow: Personal accounts by women in SNCC. </i>Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press (p. 335). <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>Maney, Gregory M., Patrick G. Coy, and Lynne M. Woehrle. 2009. "Pursuing Political Persuasion: War and Peace Frames in the United States after September 11th." Social Movement Studies 8, no. 4: 299-322.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[3]</span></span></span></a><a href="https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/resource/pressing-case-nonviolent-movements-media-part-1/" style="color: #954f72;">https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/resource/pressing-case-nonviolent-movements-media-part-1/</a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[4]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 85)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[5]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 55)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[6]</span></span></span></a>Sombatpoonsiri, Janjira (2015). <i>Humor and nonviolent struggle in Serbia</i>. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[7]</span></span></span></a> Polner, Murray, and Jim O’Grady (1997). <i>Disarmed and dangerous: The radical lives and times of Daniel and Philip Berrigan</i>. New York, NY: HarperCollins (p. 189).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[8]</span></span></span></a>Beyerle, Shaazka (2014). <i>Curtailing corruption: People power for accountability & justice</i>. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner (p. 127). One might add sidewalk chalk, murals, projected images onto buildings, Reddit AMA, Twitter, Instagram, phone banks and door-to-door canvassing.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://C84E00DF-A339-4ABF-BD50-4511B2E63AC0#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[9]</span></span></span></a> Kelly, Kathy & Rai, Milan (2009). “Voices in the Wilderness: Campaigning against sanctions on Iraq, 1995-2005)” pp. 143-149 in Clark, Howard (Ed.). <i>People power: Unarmed resistance and global solidarity</i>. New York, NY: Pluto. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-49950479610563088932019-03-30T12:13:00.000-07:002019-03-30T12:13:26.458-07:00Campaign design, logistics, sequencing<h2 style="break-after: avoid-page; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 19.933334350585938px; margin: 12pt 0in 4pt 0.5in; text-align: center;">
<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Campaign design, resistance logistics, sequencing<o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<i>Movements teach you to make plans and then remake them on the go.<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><b><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[1]</span></b></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Symbol;">--</span><span style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif;">Reverend William Barber II<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Young nonviolent resisters in war-torn Serbia started a group, Otpor! (Resistance!) and they held to several strategic perspectives as they organized, trained, did actions (rinse and repeat). In 10 months, they had overthrown the dictator. “Strategy,” they write, “is the conception of how best to act in order to achieve objectives, given limited resources and condition of uncertainty.”<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>Put another way, writes nonviolent theorist Gene Sharp, “Directed action in accordance with a strategic plan enables one to concentrate one’s strengths and actions to move in a determined direction toward the desired goal.”<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[3]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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A movement, writes Reverend Barber, is created in 14 ways: indigenous grassroots organizing, use moral language, commit to nonviolent civil disobedience, lift the voices of everyday people, race is central, broad and multi-faith coalition, seek unlikely allies, build long-term relationships, commit to empirical analysis, coordinate all social media, register and educate voters, gather a strong legal team, fuse culture, move from moment to movement.<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[4]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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This is a complex and daunting list, yet very helpful to bear in mind. This is not a sequential list; the any movement may punctuate many activities with song or art or film or dance to build that fusion culture, just as movements have done throughout history and around the world.<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[5]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Some campaigns employ an affinity group structure. The advantages of such an organizational option include a deeper level of camaraderie, trust, and an innate inoculation against agents provocateurs.<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[6]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Affinity groups only operate within all mandated codes of conduct; for example, no independent affinity group actions should occur without express approval from state and national leadership if that is the scope of the campaign. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Within the context of the larger campaign, affinity groups can bring together tight units of participants who share profound religious or philosophical beliefs (e.g. Sufi, Buddhist, evangelical Christian, anarchist), or who approach their involvement with the campaign from a particular personal or professional identity (e.g., transgender, nurses, hearing impaired, members of a particular union). <o:p></o:p></div>
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At a mass action, then, an affinity group of Filipinas may stay together and may thus recruit more Filipinas by their group solidarity, comfort and cohesion, while losing no connection to the larger mass effort. Their messaging in-between actions to more folks who share their identity may be a strong recruitment strategy or at least one that generates more sympathy for the overall campaign. <o:p></o:p></div>
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In the Moral Monday movement quite often a large crowd would gather at the state capitol building and when it came time to offer direct action moral witness, the crowd would part and those who had been through the nonviolence training and were wearing specially colored armbands would walk forward together.<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[7]</span></span></span></a>They would be arrested, a tactic that showed coordination, organization, and discipline. While there are many possible tactical scenarios, it is important to consider each new idea using the filter of recruitment, and thus image that appeals rather than alienates. Looking chaotic and undisciplined will alienate. Preparation and logistics are important. <o:p></o:p></div>
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A flow chart for shorter-term campaigns can assist campaign workers to plug into task teams when it’s most helpful, to shift their focus when their skills are needed on a different time-urgent task, and can help organizers to delegate and strategize on a reiterative basis. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The flow chart may show that, for example, media work does not begin until a benchmark has been achieved, for example, 100 people have signed their commitment to risk arrest at the state capitol. When the media team begins to promote the organizing work at a point where something tangible can be noted, they can work with an image of strength, and within a coalition that can legitimately insist on a seat at the table to negotiate a victory. Protracting a campaign’s actions and spacing them periodically is one way to keep media outlets observing and reporting on your group’s actions.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Many campaigns orient, frame, and identify themselves as ideologically consistent and some simply have a goal and a code of conduct. Both can succeed. "Moral direct action" incorporates acts of witness and inspiration even though no realistic assessment would predict any immediate resultant policy change. This is in fact the history of many successful movements, from the 1947 Journey of Reconciliation<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[8]</span></span></span></a>to the very first Moral Monday. From a launch of moral authority can come a mass movement. From a launch of shared grievance and cohesive leadership can also come a mass movement.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Sequencing is often aligning assessed incremental goals along the path toward the meta-goal. So, for example, the small but powerful acts of black citizens in the South attempting to register to vote helped prompt the Selma campaign of 1965, which helped lead to the Voting Rights Act that year but Dr. King and the other leadership then organized some 1,500 volunteers to actually register voters in 120 key rural counties in Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, North and South Carolina, and Florida.<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[9]</span></span></span></a>Each sequential step was a herculean effort and each was necessary. The first attempts to register black voters dramatized the need for the legislation and only then was the actual goal a possibility—and had the movement failed to take that final step the entire campaign would have been hollow and only symbolic. </div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifoTXdVMxrbctRwbvqvb5YfVG1O2F4P_XKyUS65Rn4jvaoUqnmnAKReWuhQoFFIJVyadQRaYFhbZ8CCHiba_ZxvX1YX-BKnhJt1gSxKMefFcR58Sr-ANuiO7jgdgkU8qSN3rdj/s1600/voting-rights.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="166" data-original-width="350" height="151" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifoTXdVMxrbctRwbvqvb5YfVG1O2F4P_XKyUS65Rn4jvaoUqnmnAKReWuhQoFFIJVyadQRaYFhbZ8CCHiba_ZxvX1YX-BKnhJt1gSxKMefFcR58Sr-ANuiO7jgdgkU8qSN3rdj/s320/voting-rights.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[1]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 111)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>Popovic, Srdja; Djinovic, Slobodan; Milivojevic, Andre J.; Merriman, Hardy; Marovic, Ivan (2007). <i>CANVAS core curriculum: A guide to effective nonviolent struggle. </i>Belgrade, Serbia: CANVAS (p. 78).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[3]</span></span></span></a> Sharp, Gene (2003). <i>There are realistic alternatives</i>. Boston, MA: The Albert Einstein Institution (p. 19).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[4]</span></span></span></a> Barber (pp. 127-130)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[5]</span></span></span></a>McAllister, Pam (1988). <i>You can’t kill the spirit.</i>Philadelphia, PA: New Society Press.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[6]</span></span></span></a>Donnelly, Kate (nd). <i>Handbook for nonviolent action</i>. New York, NY: War Resisters League.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[7]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 106)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[8]</span></span></span></a> Dekar, Paul R. (2016). <i>Dangerous people: The Fellowship of Reconciliation building a nonviolent world of freedom, justice, and peace</i>. Virginia Beach, VA: Donning. The 1947 Journey of Reconciliation was an integrated bus trip of 16 both black and white civil rights activists meant to challenge segregated buses on federally regulated interstate travel in the South.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://87F711AA-E1EA-4203-8883-4839FE7F310C#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[9]</span></span></span></a>Schulke, Flip & McPhee, Penelope (1986). <i>King Remembered</i>. New York, NY: Pocket.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-13943306817222970592019-03-30T12:01:00.000-07:002019-03-30T12:01:01.923-07:00Target choice<h2 style="break-after: avoid-page; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 19.933334350585938px; margin: 12pt 0in 4pt 0.5in; text-align: center;">
<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Power research and target choice<o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<i>The intellectual and other streams feeding the phenomenon of civilian-based nonviolent power are rich and venerable. Etienne de la Boetie in the 16th century formulated the notion of consent as the ultimate source of political power, wrote about the origins of dictatorship, developed the analysis of political power in which the technique of non-violent struggle is rooted and described the means by which people could prevent political enslavement and liberate themselves.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Berel Rodal<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[1]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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In the days of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, a volunteer professor ran a small shop within SNCC doing research on power structures, interlocking corporate and bank boards of directors, and property ownership in counties and towns. What we now call “power research” looks for actual beneficiaries when thinking about harmful policies, and seeks to discern not merely the official levers of power and the known elected officials who might make public decisions, but also to seek deeper knowledge about oppositional forces and tangible influences large and small.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<i>Before you get loud, be sure you’re not wrong.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Reverend William Barber II<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[2]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Oxford historian Paul Kennedy researched the fall of great empires and identified one of the primary factors as “imperial overstretch,” that is, trying to control too much for the mounting costs involved. Empires fell.<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[3]</span></span></span></a>And as lifelong civil rights organizer Bernard Lafayette notes, it is important to impose new and challenging costs by your resistance. A member of the 1960 Nashville student sit-in campaigns, he recalls that the effort was intended to “be a burden on the system.”<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[4]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Advance research into ownership, the powers-behind-the-powers, and unseen controlling influences can help in choosing short, medium-term, and even longer term targets. While the emotional content of a liberation struggle has multiple levels, so too does the research into the deeper control layers of power over domineering and unequal societal institutions. Veteran organizer, professor, and author George Lakey notes that figuring out who you can ask to make the change you want must focus on the one who can actually do that or your campaign is impotent.<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[5]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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And so, bear in mind that the agenda is not the target. The Moral Monday movement, for instance, had 14 agenda items but focused on one target at a time, just as Dr. King had eliminating racism, militarism, and materialism as his agenda but moved from target to target as others requested his presence. He was assassinated, after all, working for the betterment of Memphis garbage haulers. <o:p></o:p></div>
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When the Women’s Strike for Peace spun off of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom in 1961, it did so in response to the publicly known health risks from open-air nuclear testing. That agenda drove their varying target choices, which included Congress and the President, but also all American men, American business, and American society. They expressly took to the streets during business hours, withdrawing their paid and unpaid work in an urgent bid to push for a treaty banning the tests that were spreading airborne radiation around the world. Their effective choice of targets and powerful messaging help push President Kennedy to sign the historic Partial Test Ban Treaty, ending open-air testing.<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[6]</span></span></span></a>The agenda may not even be the target if research reveals that works best.</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiVIazDC5crugXkn24Rb5eXCIecjWMIsx0OhcZJ-Iqq7OwqJXhRnSQS5U7UfwpoWI2T6abVVbBTEWWsnihZHHL7hlN2xrAqSRzTFJ47ICoZXng0Vb6-cSElQETu8u2h6Tc7C0lg/s1600/WomensStrikeForPeaceAbzug.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="436" data-original-width="550" height="253" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiVIazDC5crugXkn24Rb5eXCIecjWMIsx0OhcZJ-Iqq7OwqJXhRnSQS5U7UfwpoWI2T6abVVbBTEWWsnihZHHL7hlN2xrAqSRzTFJ47ICoZXng0Vb6-cSElQETu8u2h6Tc7C0lg/s320/WomensStrikeForPeaceAbzug.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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This power research is prefigured by a social power analysis, locating primary power, however latent, in society, and secondary power as held by the political elite, which seems far more monolithic than it really is, once social power is exercised.<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[7]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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But power research needs to also turn to involved communities and develop clear pictures of demographics, income levels, and asset maps, that is, understanding of potential resources and untapped strengths.<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[8]</span></span></span></a>Developing asset conversations, surveys, and assessments can reveal possible capacities. For participants already involved, what do they do professionally? What areas of campaign organizing might match their skills? Who do they know who can help? <o:p></o:p></div>
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In the case of the attempt to roll back the gains made in the Wake County school system since the <i>Brown v Board of Education</i>decision of 1954, the precursor organization to Moral Mondays did their dual research, first tracing the influential huge donations back to the Koch brothers and even noting that the Koch brothers’ father had led the effort to try to impeach Chief Justice Earl Warren after <i>Brown</i>. They also examined the data that showed the dramatic improvement in educational achievement metrics as a result of the mandated desegregation.<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[9]</span></span></span></a>This gave them the push and pull needed to launch a people power vs money power struggle.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Identifying the powers-behind-the-powers, if done in ways that are demonstrably valid, can not only help campaigns focus limited resources more effectively and achieve results more swiftly, it can help a campaign’s image as credible. Every action that increases the legitimacy of a campaign or coalition lowers barriers to recruitment.<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[10]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[1]</span></span></span></a> Rodal, Berel (2007). Bottom-up, inside-out: The record and potential of civilian-based nonviolent power to win freedom and respect for human rights. <a href="http://www.voltairenet.org/article163267.html" style="color: #954f72;">http://www.voltairenet.org/article163267.html</a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[2]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 18)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[3]</span></span></span></a>Kennedy, Paul (1987). The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000. New York: Random House.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[4]</span></span></span></a> York, Steve (2000) (Director). “We were warriors,” Episode 1, A Force More Powerful (film). <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[5]</span></span></span></a> Lakey, George (2018). <i>How we win: A guide to nonviolent direct action campaigning</i>. Brooklyn, NY: Melville House. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[6]</span></span></span></a> Foster, Catherine (1989). <i>Women for all seasons: The story of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom.</i>Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[7]</span></span></span></a> Sharp, Gene (2013). <i>How nonviolent struggle works</i>. Boston, MA: Albert Einstein Institution. Sharp focuses most of his prodigious body of work on analyzing and diminishing the power of the political elites, helping via strategic decisions and campaign targeting to find hidden cleavages in that “monolithic” power elite and using nonviolent action to drive wedges into those fissures, splitting rulers and overcoming them via that induced division. This is exactly what anti-apartheid activists did in South Africa with mass boycotts, causing the business community to split off from the racist ideologues and thus accelerating the end of apartheid. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[8]</span></span></span></a>Ohmer, Mary L. & DeMasi, Karen (2009). <i>Consensus organizing: A community development workbook. </i>Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[9]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 76)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://6277B26D-157B-4906-B2E4-8DBDD1F06A12#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[10]</span></span></span></a>Walker, Henry A., and David Willer. 2014. "Legitimizing Collective Action and Countervailing Power." <i>Social Forces 92</i>, no. 3: 1217-1239. Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost (accessed March 4, 2018).<o:p></o:p></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-38243177849328212482019-03-30T11:51:00.001-07:002019-03-30T11:51:01.655-07:00Building coalitions, building momentum<h2 style="break-after: avoid-page; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 19.933334350585938px; margin: 12pt 0in 4pt 0.5in; text-align: center;">
<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Decision-making, b</span>uilding your coalition and recruitment<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;"><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<i>A diverse coalition of liberals and conservatives, Christians, Jews, and Muslims, the documented and the undocumented, black, white, and brown sisters and brothers were learning that we could trust one another.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Reverend William Barber II<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[1]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Every organization, every coalition, develops its own decision-making style. Doing this early is exceedingly helpful and making it less vulnerable to frequent reversals is highly desirable. <o:p></o:p></div>
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There should be early major decisions that are firmly made and are not open for any revisiting. The most robust civil resistance campaigns decide on an immutable code of conduct and a robust decision-making process before inviting large numbers to join. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Deciding how to decide can be challenging and is often best done with fixed yet flexible parameters.<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>A coordinating council, for example, may be empowered to determine that a particular decision lends itself to council consensus while another decision is best made using some agreed upon form of direct democracy. Often in national campaigns the national leadership can be expected to frame these options and thus give state organizers rails that can identify areas of great freedom and areas which require strict adherence. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<i>If love does not drive out the fears that so easily divide us, we will never gather together in coalitions strong enough to challenge those who benefit from injustice…Only a fusion coalition representing all the people in any place could push a moral agenda over and against the interests of the powerful.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Reverend William Barber II<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[3]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<i>In the American struggle for justice and freedom, moral dissent has always seemed impractical when it began.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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Reverend William Barber II<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[4]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Nothing succeeds like success, to borrow what may sound like redundancy. In social movements, it has long been noted that every victory generates raised expectations—hope—and that this is one of the strongest factors in recruitment.<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[5]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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The power of creating new relationships and the coalitions that can emerge sparks small victories in the long struggle toward the big goals—ending poverty, eliminating racism, transforming militarism and living without destroying our environment. These small early victories are critical to developing momentum.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Coalition-building is the art of recognizing and reifying shared interests and shared objectives. Marcus Braybrooke asserts that “the survival of life on this planet depends upon humanity realizing its oneness.”<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[6]</span></span></span></a>To the extent we can find that oneness we can create unstoppable coalitions. It is the heart of John Lewis’s memoir, that even children holding hands can create power in unity that can resist the winds of oppression.<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[7]</span></span></span></a>Rabbi Everett Gendler of the Jewish Peace Fellowship wrote, “Direct communication must not cease among men, however greatly they may differ in outlook.”<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[8]</span></span></span></a>Unity is tough but doable.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Recruitment can be viewed as changing or evoking the social norm of duty. How do we help others to evoke and activate that sense of obligation? <o:p></o:p></div>
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Sometimes a serious challenge from someone who has demonstrated leadership, dedication, and accomplishment can ignite the next ones. Congresswoman Barbara Lee, the voice of peace and courage in the US Congress, the only US Representative to vote against going to war in Afghanistan in the highly charged xenophobic atmosphere immediately after 9/11/2001, wrote of being a young single African American mother in college in 1972 and feeling like social activism was hopeless because white men controlled everything. Then she met Shirley Chisholm, the African American Congresswoman running for US President as a peace and justice candidate. Lee wrote that Chisholm convinced her “if you don’t like ‘the system,’ then you have to work to change it.”<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[9]</span></span></span></a></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglrxnJIgJmlx955Iv195WodDgN69SuAVvRZX4W3haYwNhkXUkx7L-bZ7XLgCNbtc_1Gm3GESo4paW2HOSv4RW8SXzqHSf5sf_mteSbK18B1tMGmAfj6SmfqJpz569xgrWX8bWE/s1600/Barbara+Lee.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglrxnJIgJmlx955Iv195WodDgN69SuAVvRZX4W3haYwNhkXUkx7L-bZ7XLgCNbtc_1Gm3GESo4paW2HOSv4RW8SXzqHSf5sf_mteSbK18B1tMGmAfj6SmfqJpz569xgrWX8bWE/s1600/Barbara+Lee.jpg" /></a></div>
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The wish to emulate strong committed resisters can indeed attract the next ones—and when they are oppressed with others for that good cause it can seal their commitment. When the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee helped lead the voter registration drives they inspired younger and younger volunteers. Roychester Patterson was a 17-year-old black student in Carver High School in Georgia. SNCC came to his county in 1962 and asked for volunteers. Patterson was struck by their commitment and made his—only to be arrested for his efforts and expelled from school. So he “went to work for SNCC on Voter Registration,” becoming a young leader “because I am deeply attached to my people and I want them to know freedom.”<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[10]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[1]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 66) Barber later goes on to assert that, “our intersectionality creates the opportunity to fundamentally redirect America” (p. 122).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>Dressler, Larry (2006). <i>Consensus through conversation: How to achieve high-commitment decisions</i>. San Francisco, CA: Berrett-Koehler.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[3]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 26, 28)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[4]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 22)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[5]</span></span></span></a>Alinsky, Saul D. (1971). <i>Rules for radicals</i>. New York: Random House.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Kriesberg, Louis, & Dayton, Bruce W. (2017). <i>Constructive conflicts: From escalation to resolution</i>. (5<sup>th</sup>ed.) Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[6]</span></span></span></a>Braybrooke, Marcus (2002). “The interfaith movement: The present reality,” (pp. 245-251) in Mallick, Krishna & Hunter, Doris (Eds.) (2002). <i>An anthology of nonviolence: Historical and contemporary voices</i>. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press (p. 246).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[7]</span></span></span></a> Lewis, John (1998). <i>Walking with the wind: A memoir of the movement</i>. San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[8]</span></span></span></a>Gendler, Everett E. (1981) “<span style="font-family: Symbol;">¼</span>therefore, choose life” (pp. 7-16) in Schwarzchild, Stephen, et al. <i>Roots of Jewish nonviolence</i>. Nyack, NY: Jewish Peace Fellowship (p. 13). Rather than make modernizing or movement-evolving changes to exclusive language, we simply note in our footnotes that we have moved beyond gender exclusivity now, but the author quoted used his own word choice when he wrote it and each reader can perform her own translation as she wishes.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[9]</span></span></span></a> Lee, Barbara (2007). “Foreword,” pp. xi-xiii in, Stassen, Glen Harold & Wittner, Lawrence S. (Eds.). <i>Peace action: Past, present, and future. </i>Boulder, CO: Paradigm (p. xii).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://78F4DE70-3031-443F-9A87-2AB13AED8191#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[10]</span></span></span></a>Patterson, Roychester (1962). “Statement by a high school student,” pp. 247-248, in Lynd, Staughton & Lynd, Alice (1995). <i>Nonviolence in America: A documentary history</i>(2<sup>nd</sup>ed.). Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books (original 1966) (p. 248).<o:p></o:p></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-45088039003040593462019-03-30T11:40:00.001-07:002019-03-30T11:40:29.663-07:00Code of conduct<h2 style="break-after: avoid-page; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 19.933334350585938px; margin: 12pt 0in 4pt 0.5in; text-align: center;">
<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Code of conduct<o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<i>Moral dissent is still necessary, even when there is no reasonable expectation of political success.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Reverend William Barber II<a href="applewebdata://F75ECEA4-63CF-473C-8DF4-3892D3815933#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[1]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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A nonviolent code of conduct is not a general vague declaration that a participant prefers nonviolence. It is a set of ironclad commitments, if not for one’s entire life, at least for the duration of the campaign or movement, and for all actions and communications relating to that campaign. It is a code that may be formulated by a core of campaign leadership or it may be a negotiated agreement, but it is most crucial that this code be promulgated early in any campaign that hopes for clarity and credibility. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Elise Boulding, a co-founder of the academic fields of both Peace Studies and Women’s Studies, created a process of envisioning a future, and working backward, creating a line of sight toward the world we hope to live in.<a href="applewebdata://F75ECEA4-63CF-473C-8DF4-3892D3815933#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>The idea is to transform a fantasy into a vision by thinking about beginning and ending principles and the steps needed along the way to turn that dream into reality. The chosen endpoint is the achievement of the meta-goal and the timeline is rigorously investigated to create a step-by-step plan.<o:p></o:p></div>
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A signed commitment is best, all the more so a signed document carried on the person of nonviolent resisters. Each campaign may have its own code, often dating back to Gandhi’s list of behaviors, desired and prohibited. The code may be simple, as with the 2015 Campaign for Nonviolence, with its written code and a place for the signature of the participant.<a href="applewebdata://F75ECEA4-63CF-473C-8DF4-3892D3815933#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[3]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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When preparations are centered on coordinating behaviors consistent with the agreed-upon code, these practices become second nature for participants. Neural pathways are created and widened, mental muscle memory is developed, and old instincts can give way to new ways. This is how emergency workers learn “natural” instant responses to presenting calamities—emergency medical technicians, firefighters, emergency room nurses, social workers in dangerous neighborhoods—these professions and many more learn by first grasping the theoretical concepts, then by training, and finally by drills. Each simulation strengthens rock-solid commitment to a code, as emotional and psychological default settings alter and are deepened toward “automatic” nonviolent response to threat, to actual attack, and to assaults on one’s pride or identity. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCGQXRfi7KBTY0kapdKpENugK7IpSJuX4_8DNZ-BfElvhNLYE6r5LCAV7ORCgKUvJ2TRhI3MuITsWxlXV1j271_U7mZuBbCdZEiQ1epR46sFDrx3I8GFZ9q_vbN8MFcUo66GB5/s1600/MLK+nonviolence.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="492" data-original-width="940" height="167" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCGQXRfi7KBTY0kapdKpENugK7IpSJuX4_8DNZ-BfElvhNLYE6r5LCAV7ORCgKUvJ2TRhI3MuITsWxlXV1j271_U7mZuBbCdZEiQ1epR46sFDrx3I8GFZ9q_vbN8MFcUo66GB5/s320/MLK+nonviolence.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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When a movement is truly versed in and committed to a disciplined code of nonviolence it possesses unique strength and resiliency. The code is key. It is a document to inform every participant, every nonviolent resister, every member of the media, every agent of law enforcement, and as many others as possible. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://F75ECEA4-63CF-473C-8DF4-3892D3815933#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[1]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. 20)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://F75ECEA4-63CF-473C-8DF4-3892D3815933#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>Ziegler, Warren L. (1982). <i>A mindbook of exercises for futures-invention.</i>Denver, CO: The Futures-Inventions Associates.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://F75ECEA4-63CF-473C-8DF4-3892D3815933#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[3]</span></span></span></a>Butigan, Ken; Hall, Ryan (2015). <i>Campaign nonviolence: A grassroots movement for a culture of peace and nonviolence free from war, poverty, racism, climate destruction and the epidemic of violence</i>. Pace e bene.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-21218545837873245882019-03-30T11:32:00.000-07:002019-03-30T11:32:03.352-07:00Gold in the ground<h2 style="break-after: avoid-page; font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 19.933334350585938px; margin: 12pt 0in 4pt 0.5in; text-align: center;">
Gold in the ground<o:p></o:p></h2>
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<i> The most important word in the justice vocabulary is always ‘we’.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Reverend William Barber II<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[1]</span></span></span></a></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjU-Gf5MzyM17X3w8JnIWuIU8OkTtQGcf34KS69TuGCbNWI6Ylo9UlhPTJsjdkI6KjjQ-uJ8qGZ-hrRkD7P8rlSSaZ0wycbFiBqZXocK1vV1GEbOGEKujvSCwTIsfwiNZHzyEGO/s1600/William+Barber+II.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="393" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjU-Gf5MzyM17X3w8JnIWuIU8OkTtQGcf34KS69TuGCbNWI6Ylo9UlhPTJsjdkI6KjjQ-uJ8qGZ-hrRkD7P8rlSSaZ0wycbFiBqZXocK1vV1GEbOGEKujvSCwTIsfwiNZHzyEGO/s320/William+Barber+II.png" width="262" /></a></div>
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One of the civil rights activists in the South in the 1960s said, “Finding nonviolence was like finding gold in the ground.” Why did she say that? Because apathy does not work, as Frederick Douglass noted more than 150 years ago.<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[2]</span></span></span></a>Because violence is costly in blood, in the fruits of our labor, in the spirit and soul, and in destruction of our infrastructure and environment. Finally, because nonviolence will bring victories more often and faster than violence. The research, the studies comparing methods, are robust, rigorous, and clear. Nonviolence succeeds twice as often as does violence, in shorter periods of time on average, and is far more inclusive. A small elderly grandmother with a walker or an innocent middle schooler or a young man in a wheelchair are all legitimate nonviolent resisters. As Reverend Lawson says, “Everyone can do the work.” <o:p></o:p></div>
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<i>Although Gandhi and King emphasized the moral force of nonviolent discipline, their call for nonviolent discipline was due to a combination of strategic and moral reasons.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Kurt Schock<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[3]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Studies also show that nonviolent methods result, on average, in much better sustainable metrics of democracy, civil rights, and human rights, with far less likelihood of a reversal to violent oppression or brutal conflict.<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[4]</span></span></span></a>As conflict practitioner scholars Louis Kriesberg and Bruce Dayton offer, “constructive conflict can create virtuous cycles.”<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[5]</span></span></span></a>For all these reasons and more, we choose nonviolence. It is morally, ethically, spiritually and pragmatically the superior method of waging social conflict. Even the majority of people who are not pacifists agree with the ethics, generally. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Nonviolent struggle is identified by what people do, not by what they believe. In many cases, the people using these nonviolent methods have believed violence to be perfectly justified in moral or religious terms. However, for the specific conflict that they currently faced they chose, for pragmatic reasons, to use methods that did not include violence.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Only in rare historical instances did a group of a leader have a personal belief that rejected violence in principle. Nevertheless, even in these cases, a nonviolent struggle based on pragmatic concerns was often still viewed as morally superior.<o:p></o:p></div>
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--Gene Sharp<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="border: none; color: #404040; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[6]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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As Jack DuVall and Peter Ackerman note in their volume, A Force More Powerful, “The greatest misconception about conflict is that violence is always the ultimate form of power.”<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[7]</span></span></span></a>The misconception endures but we will correct it until it stays corrected.<o:p></o:p></div>
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It also requires planning, discipline, resilience, and unity. Gandhi called nonviolence the first article of his faith and the last of his creed. Dr. King said it’s the way to defeat the horrific triplets of racism, poverty, and militarism. We offer this manual as a guide to the complexities of this approach. The principle of nonviolence is simple. Witnessing is simple. Creating and executing a successful nonviolent campaign is not simple, nor is it easy. Reverend Lawson has been engaging with this complexity in the 1950s and ever since. Reverend Barber launched his Moral Mondays movement with 16 others on 29 April 2013, as they were arrested at the North Carolina statehouse in protest of the poor public policy hurting so many.<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[8]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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As founder of the Sojourner community, Reverend Jim Wallis notes, “Our public life reflects our moral values, one way or the other.”<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[9]</span></span></span></a>The objectives of the Poor People’s Campaign meld faith-based moral commitments to nonviolence and justice with the best winning strategies, two objectives falsely portrayed by some as mutually exclusive. In reality, faith can enhance strategic advantages in many ways, including strengthening resolve, aiding recruitment of large blocks of the citizenry, and provision of organizational infrastructure. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<i>When Jesus said, “Love your enemies,” he wasn’t simply stating a spiritual ideal to strive toward; he was also offering strategic advice for long-term success in any freedom struggle.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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--Reverend William Barber II<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[10]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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Co-founder of the reawakened Poor People’s Campaign, Reverend Barber, notes that, “While realism cannot determine the goals of our faith, it must shape our strategy in movements of moral dissent.”<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[11]</span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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The Poor People’s Campaign connects us all. Indeed, the Fundamental Principle #2 is: “We are committed to lifting up and deepening the leadership of those most affected by systemic racism, poverty, the war economy, and ecological devastation and to building unity across lines of division.”<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[12]</span></span></span></a>Applying nonviolent civil resistance together to these struggles is a way to further that unity. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Early visionaries have been making some of the connections for a long while. Many of the 11,996 official Conscientious Objectors to World War II<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[13]</span></span></span></a>also worked on desegregating prisons, often achieving that even before society around them was desegregated, and some of those pacifists went on to help lead the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King spoke powerfully against the war in Vietnam. Environmental leader David Brower wrote an open letter to Richard Nixon connecting militarism and the environment back in 1970<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[14]</span></span></span></a>and Margaret Meade did her best to join those issues a few years earlier. <o:p></o:p></div>
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And the moral and strategic arcs are indeed long. More than a century before Gandhi burst onto the scene with his moral and strategic nonviolent struggle in South Africa, American colonists were innovating nonviolent methods of resistance as they sought independence from Britain, even using the very creative tactic of making their own homespun cloth to boycott British textiles. This, and a decade of other nonviolent tactics, had already achieved de facto independence for nine of the 13 colonies before the Revolutionary War began.<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[15]</span></span></span></a>Even as our education system fails to teach us of this method of conflict transformation in our history, we can continue to educate ourselves and spread the good news of nonviolence. <o:p></o:p></div>
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We can go back still further for our obligation to action. The modern historical imperative for nonviolent resistance comes from the theory of the Social Contract, which began evolving during the Scottish Enlightenment, when philosophers and historians such as David Hume were at work in Edinburgh. Hume wrote, <o:p></o:p></div>
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The people, if we trace government to its first origin in the woods and deserts, are the source of all power and jurisdiction, and voluntarily, for the sake of peace and order, abandoned their native liberty. . . . [G]overnment in its earliest infancy arose from consent, or rather the voluntary acquiescence of the people; . . . even at present [1748], when it has attained its full maturity, it rests on no other foundation. [The people] . . . owe allegiance to no prince or government, unless bound by the obligation and sanction of a <i>promise</i>. . . Such [is] . . the right of resistance possessed by every subject.<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="border: none; color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;">[16]</span></span></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
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We need look no further than the <span style="line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">Preamble to the U.S. Declaration of Independence. On June 11, 1776, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;">Congress selected a "Committee of Five" to draft a declaration. Consisting of John Adams of Massachusetts, Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, and Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, the committee penned the preamble that we honor today</span><span style="line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.<o:p></o:p></div>
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We would prefer that the committee had not used archaic language ignoring women, but the thrust is clear: government authorities obtain their power and authority from the <i>consent</i>of the <i>people</i>. This is the very foundation upon which nonviolent action rests. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[1]</span></span></span></a> Barber II, William J. & Wilson-Hartgrove, Jonathan (2016). <i>The third Reconstruction: How a moral movement is overcoming the politics of division and fear</i>. Boston, MA: Beacon, p. xiii.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[2]</span></span></span></a><a href="https://rationalinsurgent.com/2013/11/01/friday-quote-power-concedes-nothing-without-a-demand/" style="color: #954f72;">https://rationalinsurgent.com/2013/11/01/friday-quote-power-concedes-nothing-without-a-demand/</a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[3]</span></span></span></a>Schock, Kurt (2015). <i>Civil resistance today. </i>Malden, MA: Polity (p. 136).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[4]</span></span></span></a>Karatnycky, Adrian & Ackerman, Peter (2005). <i>How freedom is won: From civic resistance to durable democracy</i>. New York, NY: Freedom House.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[5]</span></span></span></a>Dayton, Bruce W. & Kriesberg, Louis (Eds.) (2017). <i>Perspectives in waging conflicts constructively: Cases, concepts, and practice. </i>Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. (p. 184)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[6]</span></span></span></a> Gene Sharp (2005). <i>Waging nonviolent struggle: 20th century practice and 21st Century Potential</i>. Boston, MA: Porter Sargent, p. 19.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[7]</span></span></span></a>Ackerman, P., & DuVall, J. (2000). <i>A force more powerful: A century of nonviolent conflict.</i>New York: St. Martin’s Press (p. 9).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[8]</span></span></span></a> Barber (p. xiii)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[9]</span></span></span></a> Wallis, Jim (1994). <i>The soul of politics. </i>New York, NY: The New Press (p. 15).<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[10]</span></span></span></a>Barber (p. 67)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[11]</span></span></span></a>Barber (p. 25)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[12]</span></span></span></a><a href="https://poorpeoplescampaign.org/index.php/fundamental-principles/" style="color: #954f72;">https://poorpeoplescampaign.org/index.php/fundamental-principles/</a><o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[13]</span></span></span></a>Tracy, James (1996). <i>Direct action: Radical pacifism from the Union Eight to the Chicago Seven</i>. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[14]</span></span></span></a>Brower, David (2017) pp. 269-271 in Smith, Gar (Ed.). <i>The war and environment reader</i>. Charlottesville, VA: Just World Books.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 12.266667366027832px;">[15]</span></span></span></a>Conser, Walter H. (2013). The United States: Reconsidering the struggle for independence, 1765-1775 (pp. 299-318) in Bartkowski, Maciej J. (Ed.). <i>Recovering nonviolent history: Civil resistance in liberation struggles</i>. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.<o:p></o:p></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn16">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="font-family: "Bookman Old Style", serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in 0in 6pt; text-indent: 0in;">
<a href="applewebdata://7EE850B0-8307-4B7E-AD82-E47D32F9790A#_ftnref16" name="_ftn16" style="color: #954f72;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" style="vertical-align: super;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px;">[16]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 13.800000190734863px;">David Hume, "Of the Original Contract (1748)," in <i>Social Contract: Essays by Locke, Hume and Rousseau</i>(London, New York, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1947), 213.</span><span style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 13.800000190734863px;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-70843229678219966712018-02-15T03:22:00.001-08:002018-02-15T03:22:54.295-08:00Trumped up treason<div class="MsoNormal">
<i>“Somebody said 'treasonous.' I mean -- yeah I
guess, why not. Can we call that treason? Why not. I mean, they certainly
didn't seem to love our country very much.”</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">--</span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2018/02/05/politics/trump-speech-treason/index.html"><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">Donald Trump</span></a><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"> on Democratic Senators and Congress members who didn’t clap for him in his
State of the Union speech.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">Really? We have a
temporary resident of the White House whose definition of loyalty to the United
States of America is loyalty to, and expressed enthusiasm for, his boneheaded
ideas and false claims of greatness? We would expect such autocratic
monomaniacal pronouncements from Vladimir Putin, Kim Jong-un, Rodrigo Duterte,
or any other egomaniac warlord. Hitler and Stalin were such demented
oppressors. Saddam Hussein, Augusto Pinochet—the anti-democratic autocrats are
easy to name.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">If the new definition
of treason is being willing to not clap for Trump’s utterances, I hereby
formally and publicly admit to treason. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">If we still live in a
democracy, I charge Trump with treasonous statements. If there were one united
value embedded in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the
Bill of Rights, it is the right to dissent, politically and publicly, without
fear of reprisal. Let the views contend in our public discourse. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">Instead, this is how a
country slides from democracy toward dictatorship, one thought control episode,
one veiled threat, after another. We are on a very slippery slope here and the
signs are not good. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">We have zero
guarantees of the future of democracy in the US. Indeed, Freedom House, a
nonpartisan think tank which measures and ranks all countries on Earth every
year in the aggregate values and indices of democracies, has us </span><a href="https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2018"><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">sliding downward</span></a><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">. They analyze both the US role in promoting
democracy worldwide and practicing it at home. They note that this slide began
slowly in 2010—the year the </span><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/11/03/AR2010110308842.html"><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">Republican rightwing</span></a><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"> gained control of the House--and is
accelerating dramatically since Trump took office.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">Meanwhile, we see the
strongman sort of government using Trump’s tactics now and in history. In
Cambodia in September, dictator Hun Sen </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/05/cambodias-opposition-leader-kem-sokha-charged-with-treason"><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">trumped up charges</span></a><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"> of treason against a candidate for office, Kem
Sokha, who dared to call for peaceful changes toward more democracy and more
human rights. Sokha faces 30 years in prison, where he has been since his
arrest five months ago. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">In </span><a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/08/venezuela-assembly-votes-prosecute-traitors-170830012953279.html"><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">Venezuela in August</span></a><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">, despot Nicolas Maduro engineered a path to
charge political opponents with treason, targeting Julio Borges and other
opposition leaders with potential arrest and imprisonment. Borges is out of
office as of last month.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">This is a slippery
slope toward tyranny. Trump is the most treasonous occupant of the White House
since Richard “Break-and-Enter” Nixon. He too deserves a swift exit from power
for his foul rule, his abdication of responsibilities to defend democracy and
right to dissent, and </span><a href="http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/article/2017/dec/12/2017-lie-year-russian-election-interference-made-s/"><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;">his lies</span></a><span style="mso-fareast-language: JA;"> about collusion with Russian government operatives to steal our election.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-9307636106407885012018-02-14T20:21:00.002-08:002018-02-14T20:21:40.730-08:00GNAD and core lessonsThe <a href="http://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/">Global
Nonviolent Action Database</a> is a treasure chest of knowledge useful to those
of us who are students and practitioners of nonviolent civil society struggle,
particularly if we are more inclined to winning and less interested in
hairshirt actions that might only bring suffering with little chance for policy
success. What you will notice in particular is the interlocking nature of these
elements of a successful movement to affect public, institutional, or corporate
policies.<br /><div class="MsoNormal">
<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
To illustrate, let’s consider the following aspects of
nonviolent movements and campaigns and take lessons from that database: <o:p></o:p></div>
<h2>
Nonviolent discipline<o:p></o:p></h2>
<div class="MsoNormal">
When, on 1 December 1955, Rosa Parks refused to give up her
seat to a white man on a bus in Montgomery, Alabama, <a href="http://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/african-americans-boycott-buses-integration-montgomery-alabama-us-1955-1956">Dr.
Martin Luther King Jr implored</a> participating campaigners to maintain
nonviolent discipline. He said, “Be calm as I and my family are. We are not
hurt and remember that if anything happens to me, there will be others to take
my place.” That struggle pitted a minority against a hostile majority and yet
the year-long strict adherence to King’s code of nonviolence gave the campaign
victory in the majority US public opinion and victories in the courts. <o:p></o:p></div>
<h2>
Media work<o:p></o:p></h2>
<div class="MsoNormal">
When the poorly paid janitors at the University of Miami
sought higher pay and benefits, they only <a href="http://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/university-miami-janitors-campaign-economic-justice-2005-2006">finally
succeeded</a> after a savvy campaign featuring good media work that highlighted
their conditions and the opulent lifestyle of the university officials. Oscar
Wilde was not correct when he claimed, “There is no such thing as bad
publicity.” The best outreach cannot overcome the backfire if nonviolent
discipline is not maintained. Media work can overcome the potentially damaging
effects of violence done by those who claim to be acting in concert with a
nonviolent campaign when the organizers of the nonviolent campaign strenuously
distance their movement from any act of violence. Failure to do so usually
results in the diminution of a campaign.<o:p></o:p></div>
<h2>
Coalition building<o:p></o:p></h2>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In the British Virgin Islands it appeared inevitable that
wealthy developers would be building more resorts in places that were renowned
for their natural beauty and environmental sensitivity. One large project
–approved by the Premier and sanctioned by the government for Beef Island
starting in 2007—however, was stopped by <a href="http://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/british-virgin-islanders-campaign-against-beef-island-development-project-2007-2009">excellent
coalition-building work</a> by the opposition. The cultural heritage activists
joined with environmental activists and other local groups, but even more
impressively, they sought and got external support for their coalition,
including donations and statements of support from thousands of people living
elsewhere, effectively strengthening their coalition. While they believe some
development might still occur, they believe it will be done to state-of-the-art
practices to preserve ecological and cultural resources. <o:p></o:p></div>
<h2>
Decision-making<o:p></o:p></h2>
<div class="MsoNormal">
While different campaigns have embraced various forms of
decision-making, the general principle that seems constant is that, once the
irrevocable decision is made by the initial organizers to commit to a behavior
code of nonviolence, it is then important to agree on the method of making
other decisions. Some movements tend to have a small group of deciders who then
pass along those decisions to participants. Others adopt a consensus process,
more time-consuming but more egalitarian and tending toward greater
sustainability if done while respecting the code of nonviolent behavior. The
British women who began their peace camp at the US military base at Greenham
Common on 5 September 1981 committed to nonviolence and to a consensus
decision-making process. <a href="http://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/women-form-peace-camp-protest-housing-cruise-missiles-greenham-common-1981-1993">This
campaign continued</a> through the remainder of the Cold War, even past the
point where their stated goal—the elimination of the nuclear-tipped cruise
missiles from Greenham Common USAF base—had been completely achieved. <o:p></o:p></div>
<h2>
Creativity<o:p></o:p></h2>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The general public—and many activists—seem at times to have
a very small repertoire of actions—carry signs in the streets to protest, sit
down in blockade and get arrested to resist. Scholar Gene Sharp, however,
listed and categorized 198 methods of nonviolent action in 1973 and many more
methods have been created since. Indeed, the hard-wired human response to
mortal threat is a range from flight to fight to posing to abject surrender and
to the only human quality that gives hope to nonviolent conflict transformation—the
illimitable creativity of the human mind. The GNAD offers many case studies
featuring highly innovative, adaptive methods. One such example is the <a href="http://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/new-yorkers-attempt-prevent-garden-demolition-el-jardin-de-la-esperanza-1999-2000">1999-2000
effort to save community gardens</a> from demolition in New York City. In 1998,
Mayor Rudolph Giuliani decided to permit removal of gardens that were where
developers wished to build. A network of activists formed the Esperanza Garden
campaign and swung into a highly creative struggle to challenge this, involving
actions by activists in plant, poultry and insect costumes, parades, garden
camp-ins, lawsuits in court, garden parties, bonfires, cookouts, human chains
in lockdown, a 200-person floating party, replanting bulldozed gardens, and
much more. There were setbacks, but good media work, strong nonviolent
discipline even when clubbed by cops, and fresh attention-getting actions
consistently built the ranks of coalitional partners and swelled the people
power vs corporate money struggle to a level that cost the elected officials
increasing losses in legitimacy. Finally, “the Esperanza campaign radicalized a
generation of garden activists and laid the groundwork for the 2002 garden
settlement that allowed for the construction of over 3000 affordable housing
units while preserving almost 500 community gardens.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<h2>
Recruitment<o:p></o:p></h2>
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Some community organizers simply hold that no decision
should be made without first pondering the impact on recruitment. It is not
enough to assert, “If we do this action in this manner it will tend to attract
this demographic.” It is far more effective to estimate both how many will be
attracted and now many will be repelled. The net number is crucial. If
“punching a Nazi” attracts a few hundred hardcore street brawlers but alienates
the rest of the pool of potential participants, that “movement math” should
help the deliberative process. A <a href="http://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/pakistani-lawyers-protect-constitution-and-reinstate-judges-save-judiciary-movement-2007-200">tough
nonviolent campaign in Pakistan</a> from 2007-2009 featured highly effective
participant recruitment to oppose the evisceration of the judiciary and the
decimation of the Constitution. “On March 9, 2007, Pakistani President Pervez
Musharraf suspended Supreme Court Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry from his
duties on the Court in response to Chaudhry’s challenges to his Presidency.” Started
by a small group of lawyers and growing to many thousands of them, they were
able to field a half million from many sectors of society to march on Islamabad
in 2008 and when they began another on 12 March 2009 the government caved. “That
night all of the judges, including Chaudhry, were restored to their position
and the lawyers’ movement won its final victory. The judiciary had regained its
autonomy.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<h2>
Strategic planning<o:p></o:p></h2>
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While there is never a guarantee of success, a seriously
researched and developed strategic plan will increase the chances for a
victory. In January 2014 the <a href="applewebdata://B4E3B12B-8F84-4ADA-A8E6-D0E81EF8ADD2/On%20March%209,%202007,%20Pakistani%20President%20Pervez%20Musharraf%20suspended%20Supreme%20Court%20Chief%20Justice%20Iftikhar%20Chaudhry%20from%20his%20duties%20on%20the%20Court%20in%20response%20to%20Chaudhry%E2%80%99s%20challenges%20to%20his%20Presidency.">governors
of six New England states announced plans</a> to build a natural gas pipeline
to carry two billion cubic feet of fracked natural gas per day. Opponents
engaged in such effective strategic planning that they were able to direct
simultaneous actions, educational sessions, and mini-campaigns to resist the
fracking even as they promoted clean energy alternatives. They enlisted the
town and county officials in the path of the proposed pipeline to pass
resolutions of opposition and when the route was changed in response, more
municipalities joined in the campaign. By April 2016 the clear majority won and
the plan was ended. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
published in <i>Nonviolence: A magazine for practical idealists</i> Winter/Spring 2018</div>
Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-49579528721646585642018-01-07T16:46:00.000-08:002018-01-07T16:46:37.412-08:00Appeal to the Heartland<div style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 26px; padding: 0px;">
<a href="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/stable-don-720.jpg" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;"><img alt="Remove Trump Now" class="alignleft size-full wp-image-312655" height="619" sizes="(max-width: 450px) 100vw, 450px" src="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/stable-don-720.jpg" srcset="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/stable-don-720.jpg 450x, https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/stable-don-720-218x300.jpg 218x" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px 24px 12px 0px; max-width: 100%;" width="450" /></a><span class="dropcap" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #cc3300; display: inline; float: left; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Romans', 'Trebuchet MS', 'Lucida Grande'; font-size: 3.8em; line-height: 0.4em; margin: 0px; padding: 0.26em 0.08em 0px 0px; text-transform: capitalize;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">I</strong></span>‘m from the Heartland, from the lakes and woods of Minnesota. I lived in Minnesota and Wisconsin for almost all of the first half century of my life and I turn to you who make your lives working hard in the woodlands and farmlands and towns big and small and ask you, for goshsakes, can we unite and end this godawful Trump experiment?</div>
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There is a chemical, norepinephrine, released into our brains that dials us toward alertness but also potential anxiety. When we sleep and hit the dream state, it is dialed way back in our brain and we can wander mentally in whatever our subconscious ways we do. But if traumatic emotional residuals <a href="https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2012/01/16/144672190/ending-nightmares-caused-by-ptsd" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">push it back into our brain</a> we have nightmares. This Trump business is the longest lucid nightmare in our country’s collective mind and it’s time to wake up and smell the <a href="https://www.politico.com/story/2018/01/03/trump-25th-amendment-mental-health-322625" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">25th Amendment</a>.</div>
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Failing is one thing—Trump has done so many times but haven’t we all? This goes way past that into literally mortal danger for millions. This man literally is <a href="https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/01/03/575240956/trump-taunts-kim-my-nuclear-button-is-much-bigger-than-yours" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">taunting another fake leader</a> over in North Korea, daring him to kill your children so he can obliterate another country full of humans. My button is bigger than your button? Is this a bad episode of Get Smart? Who writes his material? Oh, that’s right, he does, at least the spontaneous stuff.</div>
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Artful Dodger <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vU7v5A5P8BM" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">Stephen Miller</a> does his real speeches, you know, where he says things that include multisyllabic Latinate phrases and more literate insults. One wonders, by now, when Miller will join Steve Bannon in the Sad (!) affinity cloister of vindictive tell-all <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">ad hominem</em> Bromance Breakups.</div>
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<div class="simplePullQuote right" style="-webkit-box-shadow: rgb(129, 129, 129) 7px 7px 8px 0px; background-image: url(https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/plugins/simple-pull-quote/images/quote.png); background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; border-bottom-color: rgb(134, 134, 134); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 3px; border-top-color: rgb(134, 134, 134); border-top-style: solid; border-top-width: 3px; box-shadow: rgb(129, 129, 129) 7px 7px 8px 0px; box-sizing: border-box; float: right; margin: 10px 0px 10px 10px; padding: 6px; text-indent: 10px; width: 200px;">
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: maroon;">This Trump business is the longest lucid nightmare in our country’s collective mind and it’s time to wake up and smell the 25th Amendment.</span></strong></div>
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</h3>
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After millions of Americans working so hard to make progress in slowing climate chaos, and to recover from floods and fires intensifying from climate change, <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-executive-order-promoting-energy-independence-economic-growth/" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">Trump</a> is doing <a href="https://news.nationalgeographic.com/2017/03/how-trump-is-changing-science-environment/" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">everything possible</a> to accelerate toward more and worse hurricanes, bigger and more destructive forest fires, more frequent and massive floods, and the rising seas which will wipe out <a href="https://www.ucsusa.org/global-warming/science-and-impacts/global-warming-impacts/map-us-locations-at-risk-sea-level-rise#.WlID1xROLzI" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">entire coastal cities</a>. Inundation nation. I mean, when National Geographic, the Union of Concerned Scientists, and so many of the staid button-down institutions we trust are all—<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">all—</em>clamoring for some return to a bit of progress against this backslide, can we please recall what Mo Udall said years ago, “Nature bats last.”</div>
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I’m old and have enjoyed my decades. Everything now, however, is at risk for the young ones, and that is the crime against humanity being perpetrated right now, with clear intent, by an outlaw regime that just led us into a new tax-you-for-his-benefit era. I think about my favorite little ones—three-year-old Amolika, four-year-old Oliver, and five-year-old Xyler—plus a lot of other precious children—and I know you worry for your favorite small ones too.</div>
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This is bizarre beyond belief as we are treated to one shallow bit of petulant braggadocio after the next. He governs by immature, trash-talking tweets, calling himself “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/06/us/politics/trump-genius-mental-health.html?emc=edit_th_20180107&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=51143771" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">a very stable genius</a>.” Is he 12? Indeed, I know no 12-year-old who is like this. By that age, most have learned humility and empathy. Not our Dear Leader.</div>
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<a href="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2008/03/tom-hastings-175x227.jpg" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;"><img alt="" class="size-full wp-image-125974 alignleft" height="227" src="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2008/03/tom-hastings-175x227.jpg" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px 24px 12px 0px; max-width: 100%;" width="175" /></a><span class="dropcap" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #cc3300; display: inline; float: left; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Romans', 'Trebuchet MS', 'Lucida Grande'; font-size: 3.8em; line-height: 0.4em; margin: 0px; padding: 0.26em 0.08em 0px 0px; text-transform: capitalize;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">C</strong></span>an we fix this? I think it will take the folks from across the US who are represented by rock-ribbed Republicans to handle it. Trump is <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Opinion_polling_on_the_Donald_Trump_administration" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">highly unpopular</a> across the country but this is not reflected in our embarrassing reality. Politics are one thing; playing with fire and fury and the fate of millions is another. It’s like watching a toddler pick up a loaded unlocked handgun, except this is a global gun, literally. This is a moment in the history—and especially in the future—of the country and the people. A moment of unity. If we can’t join to terminate this poor rule and go forward together there may not be much left to worry or disagree about.</div>
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https://www.laprogressive.com/remove-trump-now/<br />
<br />Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-72634423474718238522018-01-07T03:36:00.001-08:002018-01-07T03:36:48.871-08:00Culture War On<br />
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<span class="dropcap" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #cc3300; display: inline; float: left; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Romans', 'Trebuchet MS', 'Lucida Grande'; font-size: 3.8em; line-height: 0.4em; margin: 0px; padding: 0.26em 0.08em 0px 0px; text-transform: capitalize;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">I</strong></span>f you watch <a href="http://nation.foxnews.com/2017/12/07/universities-strive-christmas-free-campuses?section=10369" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">Fox News</a>, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/19/arts/television/donald-trump-fox-friends.html" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">Fox and Friends</a>, and that sort of thing, and if you listen to <a href="http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/opinion/sd-nfl-problems-protests-trump-20171108-story.html" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">Rush and his sort</a>, you know we are in the maelstrom of the <a href="https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2017/09/27/trump-culture-war-215653" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">culture wars</a>. Sign me up!</div>
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Of course, it’s not quite as simplistic as those guys portray. Most of us don’t slide neatly into a slot. I don’t, and you probably don’t either. If you don’t fit, can you play? If you don’t subscribe to the entire ball of liberal or conservative wax will they let you on the Culture Wars battlefield?</div>
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I mean, I’m a peacenik but I’m a redneck. I’m anti-racist and I despise violent rap. I’m a professor but I’ve probably hung more sheetrock and taped it out (OK, back in my 20s and 30s) than 99 percent of Rush’s listeners. I’m a pacifist but I awake from dreams of turning over Donald Trump to ISIS. I believe in nonviolence but I’m just an old hockey player from Minnesota. I love diversity but I can’t stand religion that imposes its beliefs on the rest of us. It goes on.</div>
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And I’ll wager that in your lives and in your hearts, every single reader is just as complex in your own outstandingly unique way.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: maroon;">Can we all emerge, somehow, from our mega-binary zero-sum tried-judged-sentenced baskets of deplorables and America-haters to witness the truth that we share so much more than we don’t?</span></strong></div>
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So, can we all emerge, somehow, from our mega-binary zero-sum tried-judged-sentenced baskets of deplorables and America-haters to witness the truth that <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/why-conservatives-start-culture-wars-and-liberals-win-them/2016/01/29/f89d0b2c-b658-11e5-a842-0feb51d1d124_story.html?utm_term=.4777bac36673" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">we share so much more</a> than we don’t? (OK, with the possible exceptions of billionaires and politicians who work incessantly if incoherently to divide us in order to rule over us?)</div>
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We all generally love our families.</div>
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We all generally love the freedoms of our country.</div>
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We all generally get annoyed when government tells us what to do.</div>
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We all generally wish the rest of the world well unless they don’t wish us well.</div>
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We all wish the best future for our children, our grandchildren, and, if possible, for every other child.</div>
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We all generally want fairness.</div>
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I’m certain there is a way we can meaningfully unite, and not in a war against The Other overseas or south of the border. Is there one struggle all Americans can see as worthy that is also not harmful to anyone else? That might be our chance to unite and to force our pathologically antipathetic parties to also join forces. If for no other reason than to break out of our culture war for a minute, it would be a worthy exercise, in my humble opinion.</div>
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The elites are clearly, demonstrably, incapable and incompetent to achieve this. Can we do it from the bottom up? Maybe <a href="http://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/the-conservative-case-for-universal-healthcare/" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">health care for all</a>? Maybe <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/republican-mayor-texas-clean-energy-no-brainer-n769056" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">clean energy</a> with <a href="http://thehill.com/policy/energy-environment/289618-meet-the-man-who-is-trying-to-change-the-gop-on-clean-energy" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">lots more jobs</a>? <a href="https://www.economist.com/blogs/democracyinamerica/2014/01/jobs" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">Maybe full employment with retraining scholarships</a>for all? <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/02/gop-base-poverty-snap-social-security/516861/" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">Oh, SNAP</a>! Maybe a mortgage insurance guarantee for all working families so they will never lose their homes? Or something different, something smarter than I have thought of? I want to believe we are capable, we are a functional culture, and that our creativity can outperform the elite successes in dividing us.</div>
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<a href="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/tom-hastings.jpg" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;"><img alt="tom hastings" class="alignleft size-full wp-image-115244" height="301" sizes="(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px" src="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/tom-hastings.jpg" srcset="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/tom-hastings.jpg 200x, https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/tom-hastings-199x300.jpg 199x" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px 24px 12px 0px; max-width: 100%;" width="200" /></a><span class="dropcap" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #cc3300; display: inline; float: left; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Romans', 'Trebuchet MS', 'Lucida Grande'; font-size: 3.8em; line-height: 0.4em; margin: 0px; padding: 0.26em 0.08em 0px 0px; text-transform: capitalize;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">A</strong></span>m I right? Am I just a naive dreamer? Or can we have some friendly culture competition rather than these wars that are giving us the likes of <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/feature/nbc-out/roy-moore-blames-malicious-allegations-gays-liberals-socialists-n825316" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">Roy Moore</a>, <a href="http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/article/2017/nov/29/donald-trump-retweets-anti-muslim-videos-far-right/" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">Donald Trump</a>, <a href="https://www.salon.com/2017/09/06/rush-limbaugh-spins-a-web-of-conspiratorial-nonsense-about-hurricane-irma/" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;">Rush Limbaugh</a>and, I guess, gay socialist liberal jihadis on the other side of the gaping beaten zone between the trenches?</div>
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https://www.laprogressive.com/culture-war/<br />
<br />Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10703390.post-38489891023645323572018-01-03T10:27:00.001-08:002018-01-03T10:27:08.335-08:00You want an infowar, fine<div class="entry-content" itemprop="text" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px;">
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<a href="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/inforwars-450.jpg" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;"><img alt="Russian Infowar" class="alignleft wp-image-312480 size-full" height="592" sizes="(max-width: 450px) 100vw, 450px" src="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/inforwars-450.jpg" srcset="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/inforwars-450.jpg 450x, https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/inforwars-450-228x300.jpg 228x" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px 24px 12px 0px; max-width: 100%;" width="450" /></a><span class="dropcap" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #cc3300; display: inline; float: left; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Romans', 'Trebuchet MS', 'Lucida Grande'; font-size: 3.8em; line-height: 0.4em; margin: 0px; padding: 0.26em 0.08em 0px 0px; text-transform: capitalize;">O</span>K, I’m just a peace guy. I am not an Alex “no-conspiracy-too-nutty-for-me” Jones (like Trump is, for godsakes). In fact, when I edited The PeaceWorker for a few years, there were sincere attempts to have me fired for refusing to print the Dick-Cheney-did-it 9.11.01 conspiracy theories. I wanted some red meat–well, as a vegetarian, I guess I wanted some seared tofu–on my plate. Never got it. (Yes, I see the eager hands go up, I’m just saying there were no real journalists who had significant evidence published and those of us who have been activists for a few decades know from burnt finger regret not to make half-baked claims because they will damage one’s credibility.)</div>
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I also never claimed that Paul Wellstone was assassinated by the same CheneyRumsfeldBush cabal, despite enormous circumstantial evidence, including how amazingly handy it was for that flock of vultures right at that time. There were just too few real pieces of evidence.</div>
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So I am not much of a conspiracy guy (which, to real hardcore tinfoiler devotees, seals my fate and positively makes me a part of the conspiracy. I am aware.).</div>
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Now, however, I do subscribe to the notion that Russia interfered with the US election on Trump’s behalf. It passes all of my sniff tests. It does not move the BS needle on my Truthometer. Putin put Trump in office. All the meetings, the indictments, the lies from Trump and his family and so much more are overwhelming. It’s Mueller Time, as they say.</div>
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Yes, Hillary conspired, unwittingly, with her own iniquitous collusion to bump off Bernie and with her bloodstained foreign policy record. Like so many, I voted for her as a purely defensive and highly emetic act.</div>
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As expected, Trump is drastically worse in virtually every way, from health care-as-privilege domestic to oinker-in-the-China-shop foreign policy. A rhinoceros has more sensitivity and finesse. A salad roll has thicker skin.</div>
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The notion that Vladimir Putin interfered massively in our election is hardly out of character for that autocratic murderous charlatan and anyone who denies this is sadly sliding into his useful idiot bin. God, he has collected many.</div>
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Does understanding that Putin has hijacked the White House make us more likely to go to nuclear war?</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: maroon;">Name the meddlesome crime of collaboration with foreign election tampering and impeach this imposter, this embarrassment, this pimple on the hindparts of democracy.</span></strong></div>
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Oh for Pete’s sake! Wake up, lefties. Smell the sovereignty–Trump gave it away and we need it back. Putin is hardly going to press the End-Life-On-Earth button because he has been busted for effing up our election. Name the meddlesome crime of collaboration with foreign election tampering and impeach this imposter, this embarrassment, this pimple on the hindparts of democracy.</div>
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Putin will just watch Trump implode, laugh, and say it was a good tryski. We won’t go down in thermonuclear omnicide (well, we might, but not due to this), but failure to see this external interference is a failure to hitch it up to our work to take back our democracy (yes, again, I see the hands shoot up to remind us that the US has done worse than merely interfere with democracy elsewhere–it has overturned it in places like Iran, Guatemala, Congo, Chile and so forth, but that is part of the point, friends).</div>
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Do not doubt that our democracy is hovering in the balance. It needs you or it is through. In my nearly 70 years on this amazing Earth I have never witnessed a more dire, urgent, immediate threat to what we are rightly enculturated to love, the freedom of the USA, even with all its warts, its flaws, nefarious chapters, its lack of perfection.</div>
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I’m the first to resist our national terrible policy and I have the arrest record to prove it, but this is still my country and yours too, and we have a greedhead fake president who took foreign help to steal the highest office in our land. It is time to act. Impeach. And keep impeaching until we get an executive branch that hasn’t sold out democracy.</div>
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<a href="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2008/03/tom-hastings-175x227.jpg" style="-webkit-transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out; box-sizing: border-box; color: #ef4f4f; transition: all 0.1s ease-in-out;"><img alt="" class="alignleft size-full wp-image-125974" height="227" src="https://www.laprogressive.com/wp-content/uploads/2008/03/tom-hastings-175x227.jpg" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px 24px 12px 0px; max-width: 100%;" width="175" /></a><span class="dropcap" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #cc3300; display: inline; float: left; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Romans', 'Trebuchet MS', 'Lucida Grande'; font-size: 3.8em; line-height: 0.4em; margin: 0px; padding: 0.26em 0.08em 0px 0px; text-transform: capitalize;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">T</strong></span>o paraphrase and tweak Malcolm X, we need to fix this “by any [nonviolent] means at our command,” and to note the quotable Winston Churchill, democracy is the worst form of government, except for all the others. I dare you to try to find another sentence quoting those two together, but this is a real emergency! Saddle up, Americans.</div>
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https://www.laprogressive.com/russian-infowar/</div>
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Tom H. Hastingshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17098260278363929190noreply@blogger.com0