This essay is meant to help those who are especially
interested in the court proceedings of nonviolent resisters
to anthropogenic climate change. The intended readers would include nonviolent
resisters, their lawyers, and those experts in strategic nonviolent civil
resistance who may be asked to provide expert testimony validating the use of
the necessity defense for resisters.
In general, the necessity defense is known as an affirmative
defense, a narrative that contextualizes and validates the otherwise apparently
illegal actions of the nonviolent resisters. The classic example is the passerby
who sees the house on fire, the child at the window screaming for help, and who
decides instantly to break into the burning house to save the youngster. That
bystander committed trespass, destruction of property (the door), and possibly
other offenses under various local or state laws and ordinances, but if an
overzealous police officer arrests the intervening passerby and the prosecutor
seeks conviction, a good lawyer will offer the necessity defense to secure a
verdict of not guilty.
In the context of the law as experienced in the US Civil
Rights movement, Dr. King wrote that they were sometimes breaking a good law
for a good reason and sometimes they were breaking a bad law. The necessity
defense is often explained as breaking a law to prevent a greater harm. Increasingly,
a strand of thinking by legal experts is coming to the conclusion that the
legal professionals should not be neutral but rather should be advocates for
the environment, lending more skills and expertise to civil, criminal, and
lawmaking efforts to protect our environmental commons.
As to the
requirements of
employing the necessity defense,
one is that a prosecutor will fight that, possibly with a pretrial motion to
exclude it, usually on the grounds of salience; that is, the prosecutor will
claim, often successfully, that the questions of guilt or no guilt are
unrelated to all the myriad issues the defense wishes to bring to the court’s
attention, such as global climate chaos in a case of nonviolent resistance to a
fossil fuel facility. The prosecutor will normally urge the judge to direct the
defense to the germane issue: did the defendant do the actions that resulted in
legal charges or not? Most often the judge will rule for the prosecution and
exclude the necessity defense, thus rendering the courtroom a more or less
sterile environment excluding most of the truth required to have an honest
examination and a fair trial.
In many cases excluding the necessity defense simply makes a
travesty out of the legal system and clearly favors the perpetrators of what
many refer to as actual eco-terrorism, that is, the corporations profiting from
our massive consumption of fossil fuels. How can we begin to turn this around? Resisters
wryly observe that former US Vice-President and 2007 Nobel Laureate Al Gore
declared in September 2008 that, “If you’re a young person looking at the
future of this planet, and looking at what is being done right now, and not
done, I believe we have reached the stage where it is time for civil
disobedience.”
One piece of this attempt is dealing with one of the
questions the defense lawyers must answer, which is, Did the defendant have any reasonable expectation of success when she
violated the law in her attempt to change policies she claimed are harming
others? In order to do so, the lawyer will often employ expert witnesses,
first to establish that there is in fact imminent danger but it’s a remediable
or at least mitigatable problem, e.g., a climate scientist to testify that
anthropogenic climate change is beginning to wreak damage on a regional,
national, and global scale, and then an expert in the history of nonviolent
resistance and resultant changes in public policy, institutional policy, or
corporate policy, especially as it directly involves slowing and stopping the
drivers to climate change, e.g. coal and oil exploration, extraction,
refinement, transport, burning and all the requisite enablers of these
activities—e.g., financers, regulators.
The clear distinction between lawful protest and resistance resulting
in arrest needs emphasis; nonviolent campaigns that do not involve acts of
actual resistance are not contemplated here. They are almost always precursors
to resistance, both for collectives and for individuals, which should be
emphasized, of course, in court testimony by defendants themselves, a catalog
of their legal activities that helped produce a condition of lack of perceived
effective alternatives to nonviolent resistance, or a justifiable sense that,
at the least, nonviolent resistance needed to be added to the prongs of a
campaign’s multipronged approach to addressing the announced goal.
Part of what many nonviolent resisters are attempting to do
is what researchers term “public pedagogy,”
i.e., using the drama of their resistance action to help educate the voting,
purchasing, consuming public about the immediacy and severity of the problem. The
“public curriculum” of nonviolent resistance, studied via discourse theory, can
be a powerful augmentation to the outreach efforts of advocates for better
policies to mitigate climate chaos. Judges and juries are helped by understanding
this, and indeed become a component of exactly this. Or, as author activist
Bill McKibben noted in Scientific American, “When 1,253 people got arrested in
front of the White House, almost no one in the country had heard of this
Keystone thing outside of Nebraska and a few other places along the pipeline
route.”
Other social movement researchers have termed civil
resistance to fossil fuel consumption as “participatory democracy,” and have
highlighted the frame proffered by movement spokespeople as risking arrest in
response to “an emergency.”
This essay does not examine the many cases in which
causation or correlation of nonviolent resistance to policy change or
preservation success has occurred in movements long preceding the movement to
resist climate chaos. From Rosa Parks to draft board raids to nuclear power
plant construction to nuclear disarmament to migrant rights to gay rights to
women’s right to vote and to a much longer list of such actions, campaigns, and
movements that included nonviolent civil resistance, the necessity defense is
demonstrably salient and often highlighted further when its
proffer
is denied.
What we explore herein only relates to relatively recent nonviolent civil
resistance to climate chaos—the hurricanes, forest fires, droughts, floods,
rising seas, habitat destruction and other direct effects of burning fossil
fuels so much for so long.
Select cases in which nonviolent resistance correlates to success in
challenging drivers to climate change, e.g. fossil fuel industries
Trans Mountain pipeline expansion
First Nation and indigenous
resistance
to the proposed expansion of the Kinder Morgan existing Trans Mountain pipeline
from Edmonton, Calgary to Burnaby, British Columbia has
likely
halted it.
From
tiny
houses in BC
to chained nonviolent resisters at a Kinder Morgan Richmond, California
facility, the investment climate was impacted severely. Investors were warned
by financial analysts to avoid the project, which seems to have ended it.
Syracuse University divests from fossil fuel investments
In 2012 students at Syracuse University asked the Board of
Trustees to order divestment from all fossil fuel industries. The BOT did not.
Students persisted. Finally, in 2014 they escalated from education and protest
to nonviolent resistance, sitting in for 18 days, at which point
they
won.
Many other such campaigns at colleges and universities have also succeeded
similarly.
Seattle divests from Wells Fargo
This is a case of demonstrable cascading effects of
nonviolent resistance in one place—the Standing Rock Sioux resisting the Dakota
Access Pipeline (DAPL) in North Dakota—prompting policy change in another. In
2016, acting in overt solidarity with the nonviolent resistance to DAPL, the
city
of Seattle divested
from one of the largest financial backers of the pipeline, Wells Fargo,
depriving the financial corporation of some
$3
billion
in annual business with the city. This knock-on effect of nonviolent resistance
has been
studied vis-Ã -vis
the Civil Rights movement
and in this case is not conjecture, but documented in the movement to resist
climate chaos.
Kayaks v Royal Dutch Shell
In late July 2015 Greenpeace and affiliated groups
confronted
and blockaded
Royal Dutch Shell’s arctic icebreaking ship the MSV Fennica at the St. John’s
bridge in Portland, Oregon, stalling the sailing by a couple of days but much
more importantly gaining international recognition with a signature photogenic
act of nonviolent resistance, including 13 colorful harnessed midair resisters
hanging from the bridge and scores of kayaks in blockade across the Willamette
River. Law enforcement eventually arrested resisters and cleared the river. The
icebreaker continued north, ran into more kayackivists in Seattle, and made it
to Alaska, only to leave, abandoning an estimated 15 billion barrels of light
sweet crude oil. The resistance was not the only factor but it did seriously
drive up the costs of oil exploration even as the global oil market slumped. As
is the case most often, a
combination
of factors including nonviolent resistance
led to this change in corporate policy.
Break Free from Fossil Fuels Campaign
In spring 2017 Greenpeace called for the second
Break Free from Fossil
Fuels Campaign, resulting in some 170 actions globally and several
victories from acts of nonviolent resistance. Some of those actions were
specific to fossil fuel projects and others were more generalized nonviolent
resistance to groups of industry planners, e.g. the
nonviolent
blockade in New Zealand.
Resisters halt coal-fired power plant proposal in England
Energy company Eon proposed a very large coal-burning
electrical generating plant for the Kent, England region in late 2006 and
opposition launched in 2007, beginning with protest and eventually escalating
to nonviolent resistance, with
arrests
at several actions,
including: sit-ins and occupations, as well as chaining themselves to machines,
conveyor belts, and fences. The three-and-one-half-year campaign ended when the
corporation withdrew its application for construction. The necessity defense
was successfully utilized.